Skip to main content

Full text of "Events and People: Events in Russian Mennonite History and the People That Made Them Happen"

See other formats 


FLOOD  •  C.F.  KLASSEN  •  EARTHQUAKE  *  DAVID  TOEWS  •  LIGHTEN AU  DEPARTURE 


EDUARD  WUEST  •  GNADENFELD  MERCY  •  JOHANN  CORNIES 


Events 


Events  In 

Russian  Mennonite  History 
And  The  People 
That  Made  Them  Happen 


Helmut  T.  Huebert 


•  BERNHARD  DUECK  •  BIBLE  CONFERENCE  •  BENJAMIN  UNRUH  • 


BERLIN  ESCAPE  •  JAKOB  REIMER  •  SAENGERFEST  •  ARON  SAWATSKY  •  THE  PURGE 


* 


Events 


reopie 

Events  In 

Russian  Mennonite  History 
And  The  People 
That  Made  Them  Happen 


Helmut  T.  Huebert 


SP 


SPRINGFIELD 

PUBLISHERS 


Springfield  Publishers 
Winnipeg,  Canada  1999 


Published  by  Springfield  Publishers  of  Winnipeg,  Manitoba,  Canada 


Canadian  Cataloguing  in  Publication  Data 

Huebert,  Helmut  T.,  1935- 
Events  and  people 

Includes  bibliographical  references  and  index. 
ISBN  0-920643 -06-X 

1.  Mennonites-Russia-History.  2.  Mennonites-Soviet 
Union-History.  I.  Title. 

BX8119.R8H84  1999  289.747  C99-920210-3 


Some  of  the  maps  were  originally  drawn  by  William  Schroeder.  These  are  labeled  “WS.” 
Some  of  the  maps  were  drawn  by  the  author,  Helmut  T.  Huebert,  and  are  labeled  “HTH.” 

All  cartography  is  by  Helmut  T.  Huebert,  with  the  second  initials  on  the  maps  being  “HTH.” 

Cover  design  is  by  Fred  Koop 


EVENTS  AND  PEOPLE:  EVENTS  IN  RUSSIAN  MENNONITE  HISTORY  AND  THE 
PEOPLE  THAT  MADE  THEM  HAPPEN 

Copyright  ©  1999  by  Springfield  Publishers,  6  Litz  Place,  Winnipeg,  Manitoba,  Canada 
R2G  0V1,  E-mail  Huebertz@  escape. ca 

All  rights  reserved.  With  the  exception  of  brief  excerpts  for  review  or  very  limited  copying  for 
strictly  private  use,  no  part  of  this  book  may  be  reproduced  without  written  permission 
by  the  publishers. 

International  Standard  Book  Number  0-920643-06-X 


Printed  in  Canada  by  Christian  Press,  Winnipeg,  Manitoba 


PREFACE 


Events  and  People  is  meant  to  portray  history,  but  with  a  twist.  Many  history  books 
present  the  story  of  mankind  as  broad  sweeping  developments  or  trends,  which  the  people 
involved  likely  never  recognized  themselves.  I  would  contend  that  more  people  would 
recognize  the  story  more  precisely  if  it  were  tagged  to  specific  events  and  people. 
Mennonite  history,  because  Mennonites  are  a  religious  group,  of  course  almost  by 
definition,  involves  theological  issues  and  struggles  at  its  core.  Not  being  a  professional 
historian,  but  all  my  life  having  been  a  human  being,  I  often  wondered  what  the  actual  day 
to  day  life  of  the  ordinary  people  was  really  like.  My  feeling  is  that  often  they  were 
concerned  less  with  what  happened  at  important  meetings  of  church  leaders  and  theologians 
and  more  with  the  Czars  that  visited  their  colonies,  the  floods  that  destroyed  their  houses, 
and  the  epidemics  that  killed  their  children. 

We  do  actually  have  valuable  precedent  in  presenting  history  and  great  truths  by  this 
method  in  the  Bible.  The  reign  of  King  David  is  vivid  in  our  minds  because  of  his  dramatic 
encounter  with  Goliath  and  the  accounts  of  his  personal  story.  Elijah  is  remembered  as  a 
great  prophet  in  part  because  of  his  confrontation  with  the  priests  of  Baal  on  Mount  Carmel, 
and  the  other  personal  aspects  of  his  life  which  are  recounted.  Even  the  message  of  Jesus 
Christ  is  most  often  rendered  through  detailing  of  events  and  personal  encounters. 

My  specific  interest  in  “events”  was  piqued  by  reading  the  account  of  the  dedication 
of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  church  building  in  Lugovsk,  Neu  Samara  Colony,  an  event 
which  occurred  in  1901.  First  of  all  the  scale:  there  were  three  thousand  [3,000]  guests. 
That  is  a  lot  of  people,  in  a  little  out  of  the  way  Mennonite  colony  somewhere  on  the  broad 
steppes  of  Russia!  The  visiting  choir  from  the  Ufa  Colony  concluded  the  celebrations  by 
singing  the  Hallelujah  Chorus  from  Messiah  by  Handel.  How  would  the  Hallelujah  Chorus 
have  reached  these  same  broad  steppes  of  Russia?  Specific  interests  such  as  these  underlie 
many  of  the  events  in  which  Mennonites  in  Russia  were  involved.  Added  to  this  is  my 
historical  theory  that  trends  do  not  just  occur  out  of  the  blue:  people  make  things  happen. 
So  a  logical  extension  to  studying  specific  events  is  to  look  into  the  lives  of  the  people  who 
made  them  happen.  I  have  therefore  included  many  mini-biographies  as  part  of  the 
historical  survey. 

In  this  review  of  events  there  are  obvious  limitations.  No  attempt  has  been  made 
to  fashion  a  comprehensive  history  book.  To  be  included  there  had  to  be  a  reasonably  well 
defined  “event.”  It  needed  to  be  documented  with  fairly  precise  detail.  Because  of  this 
limitation  more  events  have  been  included  during  times  when  newspaper  reporting  was 
available.  Friedensstimme,  Zionsbote,  and  Mennonitische  Rundschau  have  been 
particularly  helpful.  Even  so  there  are  peculiar  gaps  in  the  stories.  In  the  report  of  the 
Saengerfest  held  in  1894,  a  report  written  by  a  musician,  the  texts  of  the  interspersed 
sermons  are  listed,  but  not  one  word  about  which  songs  were  sung!  While  to  my  mind  this 
is  regrettable,  it  is  still  an  intriguing  historical  comment  on  values  as  thought  of  at  that  time. 
The  Bible  Conference  held  in  Halbstadt  in  1 909  was  well  advertised,  but  there  was  no 
official  report  of  proceedings  in  Friedensstimme,  even  though  the  planners  of  the  event 
had  ready  access  to  the  publication,  one  being  a  part  owner  of  the  publishing  house,  another 


even  being  an  editor! 

The  events  in  this  book  are  listed  chronologically,  not  by  subject  matter.  It  is  hoped 
that  the  accurate  and  detailed  index  can  help  those  seeking  specific  information.  All 
sources  of  information  are  listed  at  the  end  of  each  article,  but  since  this  is  not  intended  to 
be  a  scientific  dissertation,  specific  footnote  numbers  have  not  been  used.  Readers  may  be 
intrigued  by  the  variation  in  size  of  print.  The  major  “Event”  article  is  in  12-point, 
subsequent  “Background  Information”,  including  the  biographies  is  in  1 1  -point.  Those  who 
wish  to  read  the  source  material,  and  presumably  have  excellent  vision,  will  find  this  listed 
in  space  saving  10-point  type  size.  The  index,  to  further  save  space,  is  in  9-point  type. 

All  biblical  references  used  are  from  the  New  International  Version,  1978.  In  most 
instances  this  appeared  to  accurately  reflect  the  meaning  of  the  text  which  was  used  for 
German  sermons.  There  was  one  notable  exception,  used  at  the  dedication  of  the  Lugovsk 
church,  where  the  German  translations  suit  the  theme  of  the  sermon,  but  the  English 
versions  do  not. 

There  is  some  repetition  because  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  make  each  story  and 
each  biography  a  complete  unit.  The  specific  event  may  therefore  mention  an  occurrence 
which  will  also  be  included  in  the  biography  of  the  people  concerned.  It  will  also  be  noted 
that  very  seldom  is  there  more  than  one  article  on  the  page;  this  is  to  help  those  who  may 
wish  to  duplicate  certain  articles  or  biographies  without  including  extraneous  material. 

The  computer  is  a  wonderful,  but  sometimes  most  exasperating  instrument.  It  scans 
some  things  wonderfully  well,  but  other  things  suffer.  As  a  whole  the  photographs  have 
turned  out  reasonably  well,  although  there  is  some  loss  of  quality  both  in  the  scanning,  and 
then  the  printing.  With  a  number  of  pictures,  for  example  that  of  Aron  Sawatzky  and 
Walter  Jack,  the  originals  are  already  very  poor.  In  reviewing  the  pages  at  this  point  I 
would  much  prefer  to  have  used  two  columns  per  page,  but  am  not  smart  enough,  certainly 
not  knowledgeable  enough  in  Word  Perfect  Eight  to  convert  without  jeopardizing  the  whole 
manuscript. 

I  would  like  to  thank  those  who  have  freely  given  of  their  time  and  effort  to  make 
this  book  possible.  Dr.  Abe  Dueck,  Director,  and  Alfred  Redekop,  Archivist,  at  the  Centre 
for  Mennonite  Brethren  Studies  in  Winnipeg,  have  with  enthusiasm  answered  innumerable 
telephone  calls  and  looked  up  many  references.  Ken  Reddig,  Archivist,  and  Lawrence 
Klippenstein,  now  retired,  but  still  active,  have  been  helpful  at  the  Heritage  Centre  in 
Winnipeg.  Even  retired  friends  such  as  Dr.  Harry  Loewen  and  Dr.  Victor  Doerksen, 
although  banished  to  British  Columbia,  have  patiently  made  suggestions  for  improvements. 
It  must  be  said,  however,  that  this  was  not  a  book  written  by  a  committee.  Opinions 
expressed  are  those  of  the  author,  not  necessarily  in  agreement  with  expert  advice. 

It  is  hoped  that  Events  and  People :  Events  in  Russian  Mennonite  History  and  the 
People  that  Made  Them  Happen  will  help  some  people  to  better  understand  their  heritage, 
and  that  it  will  give  this  understanding  human  faces. 


Helmut  T.  Huebert 
Winnipeg,  Canada 
October  31,  1999 


IV 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Preface . iii 

Table  of  Contents . v 

List  of  Biographies . viii 

List  of  Maps . ix 

Commonly  Used  Sources . x 

Glossary  and  Abbreviations . xi 

The  Old  Oak  Tree . xiii 

Map:  Mennonite  Colonies  in  Ukraine  and  Russia . xv 

Map:  Mennonite  Colonies  in  South  Russia . xvii 

1.  The  Trip  of  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  [1786  -  1788] . 1 

Map:  Trip  of  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch . 6 

Jakob  Hoeppner . 7 

Johann  Bartsch . 9 

2.  The  Kleine  Gemeinde  and  Klaas  Reimer  [1812] . 10 

3.  Visit  of  Czar  Alexander  I  to  the  Molotschna  [1818] . 14 

Map :  Route  taken  by  the  Czar  Alexander  1 . 18 

Czars  of  Russia  during  the  Mennonite  Period . 19 

4.  Meteorite  in  1832 . 20 

5.  Crop  Failure  in  1833 . 21 

6.  Earthquake  in  1838 . 24 

7.  The  Death  and  Funeral  of  Johann  Cornies  [March,  1848] . 25 

Johann  Comies . 27 

8. 130  Horses  [August,  1848] . 30 

9.  Birth  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church[1860] . 32 

Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest . 37 

Elder  August  Lenzmann . 40 

Johann  Claassen . 42 

Jakob  David  Reimer . 45 

10.  Inter-Mennonite  Faith  Conference  in  Rueckenau[1875] . 49 

Bernhard  Harder . 50 

11.  Parting  of  Ways  [1879] . 53 

Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg . 56 

12.  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [1880  - 1882] . 59 

Map:  Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  1] . 62 

Map:  Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  2] . 63 

13.  Epidemic  in  South  Russia  [1888  - 1889] . 64 

Worldwide  Epidemics . 65 


v 


Diphtheria . 65 

Scarlet  Fever . 67 

14.  Saengerfest  in  Rueckenau  [May,  1894] . 68 

Friedrich  Schweiger . 71 

Aron  Gerhard  Sawatzky . 73 

15.  Choral  Conductors’  Workshop  in  Friedensfeld 

[December, 1894] . 77 

Bernhard  B .  Dueck . 81 

Johann  J.  Loewen . 84 

The  Friedensfeld  Mennonite  Brethren  Church . 87 

16.  Dedication  Service  at  the  Lugovsk 

Mennonite  Brethren  Church  [1901] . 92 

An  Architect’s  Appraisal  -  Rudy  P.  Friesen . 95 

Neu  Samara  Colony . 97 

Map:  Neu  Samara  Colony . 98 

Elder  David  Gerhard  Duerksen . 99 

Elder  David  Schellenberg . 101 

Elder  Komelius  A.  Fehr . 103 

Komelius  Gerhard  Neufeld . 104 

Liederperlen  and  the  Hallelujah  Chorus . 106 

17.  Fires  in  1904 . 107 

Map:  Western  Molotschna  Colony  and  Halbstadt . 109 

Weather  in  the  Molotschna  Colony . 110 

Fire  Insurance . 110 

18.  Exposition  in  Halbstadt  [August  14  - 16, 1909] . Ill 

Advertising  in  Friedensstimme . 1 13 

Johann  Heinrich  Janzen . 114 

19.  Bible  Conference  in  Halbstadt  [August  20  -  23, 1909] . 117 

Heinrich  Jakob  Braun . 1 19 

Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh . 122 

Jakob  Johann  Kroeker . 125 

Harry  Percy  Grubb . 128 

Adam  K.  Podin . 129 

Johann  Huebert . 131 

20.  Dedication  of  the  Deaconess  Home  Morija  [1910] . 132 

Dr.  Erich  A.  Tavonius . 137 

Walter  L.  Jack . 141 

21.  The  Flood  of  1912 . 144 

Map:  Northwestern  Molotschna  Colony . 147 

22.  Dedication  of  Reservists  [1914] . 148 

Elder  Heinrich  Peter  Unruh . 150 

23.  Gnadenfeld  Mercy  [March,  1919] . 152 


vi 


Chronology  of  Events  [February  1917  to  March  1919] . 152 

Gnadenfeld  Mercy . 1 54 

Komelius  Martens . 155 

24.  Massacre  in  Muensterberg  [November  -  December,  1919] . 158 

Map:  Sagradovka  Colony . 161 

Nestor  Ivanovich  Makhno . 1 62 

25.  Molotschna  Battle  [June,  1920] . 163 

Map:  Molotschna  Colony  June  20,  1 920 . 1 66 

26.  Lichtenau  Departure  [1924] . 167 

Behind  the  Scenes . 172 

Map:  The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  in  the  USSR . 173 

Map:  The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  by  Sea . 174 

Benjamin  B.  Janz . 175 

David  Toews . 180 

Emigration  of  the  Mennonites  from  the  Soviet  Union . 1 83 

Trachoma . 184 

Canadian  Pacific  Ships . 1 85 

27.  Murder  at  Midnight  [1926] . 186 

28.  At  the  Gates  of  Moscow  [1929] . 192 

Benjamin  H.  Unruh . 197 

29.  Amur  Crossing . 201 

Map:  Amur  Mennonite  Colonies  including  Escape  Route . 208 

Map:  Escape  over  the  Amur  to  Harbin . 209 

30.  The  Purge  [1936  - 1938] . 210 

Joseph  Vissarionovich  Djugashvili . 212 

Nikolai  Loewen . 2 1 3 

Franz  Teichrieb . 2 1 4 

Nikolai  Huebert . 2 1 6 

Map:  Dnepropetrovsk  Oblast . 217 

Map:  Central  Crimea . 217 

Map:  USSR . 217 

31.  Stulnevo  [1941] . 218 

Map:  Northeastern  Molotschna . 22 1 

32.  The  Great  Trek  [1943  - 1945] . 222 

Map:  The  Great  Trek  1943-1945 . 227 

33.  The  Berlin  Escape  [1947] . 228 

Cornelius  F.  Klassen . 237 

“ Nun  Danket  Alle  Gott” . 242 

The  Red  Gate . 243 

Index . 245 


vii 


LIST  OF  BIOGRAPHIES 


Jakob  Hoeppner . 7 

Johann  Bartsch . 9 

Johann  Comies . 27 

Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest . 37 

Elder  August  Lenzmann . 40 

Johann  Claassen . 42 

Jakob  David  Reimer . 45 

Bernhard  Harder . 50 

Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg . 56 

Friedrich  Schweiger . 7 1 

Aron  Gerhard  Sawatzky . 73 

Bernhard  B.  Dueck . 81 

Johann  J.  Loewen . 84 

Elder  David  Gerhard  Duerksen . 99 

Elder  David  Schellenberg . 101 

Elder  Komelius  A.  Fehr . 103 

Komelius  Gerhard  Neufeld . 1 04 

Johann  Heinrich  Janzen . 114 

Heinrich  Jakob  Braun . 119 

Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh . 122 

Jakob  Johann  Kroeker . 125 

Harry  Percy  Grubb . 128 

Adam  K.  Podin . 129 

Johann  Huebert . 1 3 1 

Dr.  Erich  A .  T avonius . 137 

Walter  L.  Jack . 141 

Elder  Heinrich  Peter  Unruh . 150 

Komelius  Martens . 155 

Nestor  Ivanovich  Makhno . 162 

Benjamin  B.  Janz . 175 

David  Toews . 180 

Benjamin  H.  Unruh . 1 97 

Cornelius  F.  Klassen . 237 


LIST  OF  MAPS 


Mennonite  Colonies  in  Ukraine  and  Russia . xv 

Mennonite  Colonies  in  South  Russia . xvii 

Land  chosen  by  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch . 2 

Trip  of  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch . 6 

Route  taken  by  the  Czar  Alexander  1 . 18 

Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  1] . 62 

Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  2] . 63 

Neu  Samara  Colony . 97 

Western  Molotschna  Colony  and  Halbstadt  [Fires] . 109 

Northwestern  Molotschna  Colony  [Flood] . 147 

Sagradovka  Colony . 161 

Molotschna  Colony  June  20, 1920  [Battle] . 166 

The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  in  the  USSR . 173 

The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  by  Sea . 174 

Amur  Mennonite  Colonies  including  Escape  Route . 208 

Escape  over  the  Amur  to  Harbin . 209 

Dnepropetrovsk  Oblast . 217 

Central  Crimea . 217 

USSR . 217 

Northeastern  Molotschna  [Stulnevo] . 221 

The  Great  Trek  1943-1945 . 227 


ix 


COMMONLY  USED  SOURCES 


Friesen,  P.  M.,  Die  Alt-Evangelische  Mennonitische  Bruederschaft  in  Russland 
[ 1789-1910 ],  im  Rahmen  der  mennonitischen  Gesamtgeschichte, 

Raduga,  Halbstadt,  Taurien,  Russia,  1911 

Referred  to  as: 

Friesen,  P.  M. 

All  references  are  from  the  original  German  printing.  All  passages  in  English 
have  been  translated  by  the  author 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

If  a  reference  has  been  used  from  Volumes  I  -  IV,  no  specific  volume  or  page 
number  is  given.  For  Volume  V  specific  pages  are  listed 

Schroeder,  William,  and  Huebert,  Helmut  T.,  Mennonite  Historical  Atlas, 

Springfield  Publishers,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1996 

Referred  to  as: 

Mennonite  Historical  Atlas 

All  references,  unless  otherwise  stated,  are  from  the  second  edition 

Toews,  J.  A.,  A  History  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  Board  of  Christian 
Literature,  General  Conference  of  Mennonite  Brethren  Churches, 

Fresno,  USA,  1975 

Referred  to  as: 

Toews,  J.  A. 

All  references  are  from  the  first  edition,  printed  in  1975 

Genealogical  Registry  and  Data  Base  of  Mennonite  Ancestry,  produced  by  the 
California  Mennonite  Historical  Society  of  Fresno,  USA,  has  been  used 
frequently  in  establishing  family  trees  in  this  book.  Research  done  by  the 
author  has  also  on  occasion  contributed  to  this  data  base. 


x 


GLOSSARY 


Bruderschule  -  Brotherhood  School 

Dorfschule  -  village  primary  school,  usually  six  years,  with  children 
beginning  at  the  age  of  six  or  seven 

Fuersorgekomitee  -  Russian  government  agency  supervising  foreign  colonists  in 
South  Russia,  first  based  in  Kherson,  then  Ekaterinoslav,  thereafter  in 
Odessa  until  it  was  abolished  in  1871 
Gebietsamt  -  civic  office  or  administration  of  a  Mennonite  colony 
Gymnasium  -  German  equivalent  of  high  school 

Kirchliche  -  a  Russian  Mennonite  denominational  designation,  meaning  the 

traditional  Mennonite  Church,  later  roughly  the  equivalent  of  the  General 
Conference  Mennonite  Church 
Oberschulze  -  chief  administrator  of  a  Mennonite  colony 
Reiseschuld  -  travel  debt,  usually  referring  to  the  debt  owed  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway  by  the  1923-1930  immigrants 
Scheune  -  machine  shed,  usually  behind  the  bam  in  the  typical  farm,  often 
quite  large  and  used  for  public  gatherings,  such  as  church  services, 
weddings  or  funerals 

Wirtschaft  -  a  typical  Mennonite  farm,  consisting  of  a  house,  with  attached 
bam  and  machine  shed,  often  a  summer  kitchen,  an  extensive 
garden,  a  small  forest,  and  about  65  dessiatines  of  land.  Also 
called  Vollwirtschaft 

Halbwirtschaft  -  half  a  farm,  a  farmyard  with  32  dessiatines  of  land 
Kleinwirtschaft  -  a  small  farm,  a  farmyard,  sometimes  with  up  to 
16  dessiatines  of  land,  sometimes  without  land 
Zentralschule  -  school  above  the  level  of  the  village  elementary  school,  best 
translated  as  high  school.  “Central”  school  would  be  the  direct 
translation,  but  conveys  none  of  the  actual  meaning  of  the  term 


ABBREVIATIONS 

AMLV  -  Allrussischer  Mennonitischer  Landwirtschaftlicher  Verein 
[All-Russian  Mennonite  Agricultural  Union] 

GPU  -  initials  of  the  Russian  name  of  the  secret  police  after  1922.  Name 
changed  to  NKVD  in  1934 

MCC  -  Mennonite  Central  Committee,  the  relief  agency  based  principally 
in  North  America  which  has  provided  relief  and  help 
to  Mennonites  and  others  since  the  early  1920s 
UNRAA  -  United  Nations  Relief  and  Rehabilitation  Administration 
VBHH  -  Verband  der  Buerger  Hollaendischer  Herkunft  [Union  of 
Citizens  of  Dutch  Lineage] 


xi 


xii 


“The  Old  Oak,”  five  hundred  years  old  when  the  first  Chortitza  settlers 
camped  under  its  branches  in  1789 


xiii 


xiv 


XV 


Mennonite  Colonies  in  Ukraine  and  Russia 

[Not  all  of  the  smaller  colonies  shown] 


xvi 


BORJSSOVO^^  Konstantinovka 


Mennonite  Colonies  in  South  Russia 


xvm 


1.  THE  TRIP  OF  HOEPPNER  AND  BARTSCH 
OCTOBER,  1786  TO  NOVEMBER,  1787 


With  more  stringent  restrictions  in  the  Vistula  Delta,  particularly  regarding  the 
increase  of  land  holdings,  the  Mennonites  started  to  look  elsewhere  for  expansion.  Czarina 
Catherine  II  of  Russia,  in  the  meantime,  had  published  a  manifesto  in  1 763  inviting  foreign 
colonists  to  help  settle  newly  acquired  lands  in  southern  Russia.  Catherine  dispatched  a 
special  envoy,  Georg  von  Trappe,  to  visit  the  Mennonites  in  the  Danzig  area  in  the  summer 
of  1786.  He  challenged  them  to  make  Russia  their  new  homeland. 

*  *  * 


August  7,  1786 

[Gregorian]  An  invitation  to  settle  in  Russia  was  read  in  the  two  Mennonite  churches  in 
Danzig 

Elder  Peter  Epp  of  Danzig  became  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  migration 


August,  1786  On  a  Monday  towards  the  end  of  August,  Georg  von  Trappe,  Russian 

immigration  agent  sent  by  Czarina  Catherine  II,  stopped  for  lunch 
at  an  inn  at  Bohnsack.  He  was  greatly  impressed  by  his  host, 
Jakob  Hoeppner 


August,  1786  There  was  widespread  interest  in  migration  to  Russia,  to  the  extent  that 
the  mayor  of  Danzig  opposed  some  of  the  actions  of  von  Trappe 


September  14,  1786 

Under  the  supervision  of  Elder  Epp  three  delegates  were  elected  to  visit 
Russia,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  an  appropriate  site  for 
settlement,  and  arranging  suitable  conditions.  Jakob  Hoeppner, 
Jakob  von  Kampen  and  Johann  Bartsch  were  chosen 


September  22,  1786 

Georg  von  Trappe  signed  a  contract  and  wrote  a  covering  letter  for  the 
delegates.  All  expenses  were  to  be  covered.  Von  Kampen  had 
decided  not  to  go  because  his  parents  did  not  wish  it 


October  31,  1786 

Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  boarded  a  ship  in  Danzig  and  sailed  for  Riga 


October  27, 
[Julian] 


1786 

Arrived  safely  in  Riga  after  an  eight  day  voyage.  They  had  encountered 
some  stormy  weather 


1 


November  17,  1786 

Departed  by  sleigh  from  Riga  to  Dubrovno 
November  29,  1786 

Arrived  in  Dubrovno.  Received  cordially  by  Baron  von  Stahl 
December,  1786 

Departed  by  sleigh  for  Kremenchug 

Via  Kremenchug  further  south  on  to  Kherson 

Prince  Grigory  Potemkin,  then  governor  general  of  New  Russia, 
appointed  Major  Meier  to  assist  the  delegates 

As  soon  as  weather  permitted,  despite  encouragement  to  rest  during  the 
winter,  they  used  Kherson  as  a  base  to  inspect  the  southern 
part  of  Potemkin’s  domain 

After  several  months  work  they  selected  a  site  south  of  Berislav,  on  the 
lower  Dniepr  River.  This  area  had  good  soil,  excellent  pasture 
and  water  supply,  and  access  to  nearby  markets 


Land  chosen  by  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch,  south  of  the  Dniepr  River 

opposite  Berislav 


April  22,  1787 

Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  submitted  a  special  petition  to  Grigory  Potemkin 
in  Kremenchug.  Mennonites  wanted  recognition  of  their 
religious  freedom,  no  military  service  or  quartering  of  troops. 
Each  family  was  to  receive  65  dessiatines  of  arable  land.  They 
were  to  have  some  wood,  hay  and  fishing  rights  in  the  area 
selected.  The  land  was  to  be  properly  surveyed,  and  there  was  to 


2 


be  guaranteed  government  protection  for  the  area.  Initial  start-up 
funds  were  required,  as  well  as  a  ten  year  exemption  from  taxes 
Potemkin  did  not  have  time  for  the  delegates,  being  busy  with  a  trip 
Czarina  Catherine  had  planned  for  the  Crimea 

May  1,  1787  Catherine  and  her  entourage  departed  from  St.  Petersburg  January  7, 

travelling  over  the  snow  on  200  gilded  coaches  mounted  on 
runners.  This  tour  celebrated  her  quarter  of  a  century  on  the 
Russian  throne,  but  also  set  the  seal  of  sovereignty  on  Russia’s 
latest  southern  conquests.  May  1  Catherine  departed  from  Kiev 
on  a  flotilla  of  thirty  barges 

May  13,  1787  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  were  presented  to  Catherine  when  she  arrived  in 

Kremenchug.  They  respectfully  kissed  her  hand  and  made  a  brief 
presentation.  She  verbally  assured  them  of  her  support  for  their 
plans.  She  invited  them  to  go  with  her  to  the  Crimea.  They 
accepted  the  offer 

They  stayed  one  night  on  Potemkin’s  estate  at  the  site  of  the  future 
Chortitza-Rosenthal 

May  29,  1787  Departed  from  Kherson  for  a  rapid  tour  of  the  Crimea,  designed  to 

impress  Joseph  II  of  Austria,  who  was  also  a  travelling  guest 

May  31,  1787  The  caravan  arrived  in  Bachtchi-Sarai 
Catherine’s  coach  went  out  of  control 
as  it  descended  into  a  ravine 
They  went  as  far  as  Sevastopol  and 
Feodosiya 

June  16,  1787  The  caravan  returned  to  Kremenchug 
Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  released  to 
pursue  their  own  projects 

June  17,  1787  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  wrote  a  letter  to 

Potemkin  requesting  a  response 
to  the  petition  of  April  22 


June  18,  1787  Catherine  departed  from  Kremenchug, 

reaching  Moscow  July  4 

July  5,  1787  Potemkin  gave  approval  to  the  petition  presented  by  Hoeppner  and 

Bartsch.  The  Mennonite  delegates  also  wanted  the  approval  of 
the  Czarina  and  proceeded  to  St.  Petersburg 


3 


July  22,  1787  Catherine  back  in  St.  Petersburg,  having  been  away  for  over  six  months 

August  2,  1787 

Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  arrived  in  St.  Petersburg.  Shortly  before  arrival 

their  carriage  tipped,  and  Hoeppner  injured  his  leg.  He  was  given 
prompt  medical  attention.  It  took  several  weeks  until  he  could 
be  up  well  enough  to  appear  in  court.  Protocol  was  on  his  side 
since  it  demanded  that  people  wear  socks  or  shoes  while  being 
presented  to  the  Czarina.  Hoeppner’ s  leg  was  so  swollen  that  he 
could  not  get  on  his  boot  in  any  case! 

August  27,  1787 

While  waiting  for  Catherine,  von  Trappe  introduced  the  delegates  to  Paul 
and  Maria  Feodorovna.  They  kissed  Maria’s  hand  and  Paul 
kissed  them  on  both  cheeks,  Russian  style.  The  deputies  gave 
the  royal  couple  a  gold  embroidered  copy  of  a  Mennonite 
Confession  of  Faith.  Paul  later,  as  Czar,  gave  the  Mennonites 
additional  privileges  in  the  Privilegium  of  1 800 

September  7,  1787 

Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  had  an  audience  with  Czarina  Catherine  II.  She 
agreed  to  the  terms  proposed  by  the  Mennonite  delegates.  The 
decree  was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  the  Russian  chancellor, 

Count  Alexander  Bezborodko.  The  decree  was  then  made  public 

Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  headed  for  home,  accompanied  by  von  Trappe. 
October  7  were  in  Riga 


November  10,  1787 

[Gregorian]  Hoeppner,  Bartsch  and  von  Trappe  arrived  back  in  Danzig.  The  trip  had 
taken  one  year  and  eleven  days.  They  were  greeted  with 
enthusiasm.  A  group  of  five  families  had  departed  for  Russia 
even  before  the  delegates  returned  home 


December  29,  1787 

Georg  von  Trappe  distributed  printed  invitations  among  the  Mennonites 
in  Danzig,  inviting  them  to  Russia 


January  13,  1788 

Von  Trappe  hired  two  men  to  distribute  pamphlets  in  Danzig  after  the 
morning  church  service.  The  pamphlet  briefly  described  the 
visit  of  the  delegates  to  Russia  and  the  special  agreement  which 
had  been  reached.  Those  interested  in  emigration  were  to  attend 
a  meeting  at  the  Russian  Embassy 


4 


February  23,  1788 

Four  families  left  Danzig  for  Russia 

March  23,  1788 

At  9  AM,  Easter  Sunday  morning,  after  a  short  farewell  service  in  front 
of  the  church  in  Bohnsack,  seven  families  led  by  Hoeppner 
started  on  the  long  journey  to  South  Russia.  Hoeppner  eventually 
settled  on  Chortitza  Island.  The  Bartsch  family  was  also  in  the 
first  wave,  settling  in  Rosenthal 


Sources: 

Alexander,  John  T.,  Catherine  the  Great;  Life  and  Legend,  Oxford  University  Press, 

New  York,  USA,  and  Oxford,  UK,  1989,  pp  256-270 
Epp,  D.  H.,  Die  Chortitzer  Mennoniten,  Originally  published  by  the  author,  Odessa,  1889, 

Republished  by  Die  Mennonitische  Post  and  Delbert  F.  Plett,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1984, 
pp  4-36 

Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand's  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  pp  146-149 
Hildebrand,  Peter,  Erste  Auswanderung  der  Mennoniten  aus  dem  Danziger  Gebiet  nach 

Suedrussland,  Published  in  Zwei  Dokumente,  Edited  by  Victor  Peters,  Echo  Verlag, 
1965,  pp  11-46 

Klippenstein,  Lawrence,  The  Russian  Mennonite  Bicentennial :  Some  Pertinent  Dates, 
Mennonite  Historian,  March  1987,  p  3;  June  1987,  p  7;  September  1987,  p  7 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  First  Edition  pp  14,  90;  Second  Edition  p  1 16 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Schroeder,  William,  From  the  Vistula  to  Chortitza:  A  Chronology,  Unpublished  document; 

This  is  the  main  framework  used  for  the  chronology  presented  here 

It  should  be  noted  that  not  all  the  dates  and  numbers  in  the  various  accounts  agree  exactly.  The 
specific  dates  mentioned  for  the  Crimean  trip  of  the  Czarina,  for  example,  vary.  The  exact 
number  of  families  leaving  Danzig  for  Russia  and  the  dates  they  left  are  not  the  same  in 
different  accounts. 

The  name  of  Catherine’s  special  envoy  to  the  Mennonites  is  not  certain.  Traditionally  he  has 
been  called  Georg  von  Trappe;  it  is  now  thought  that  the  “von”  might  be  superfluous. 

Background  Information: 

Map:  Trip  of  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch 
Jakob  Hoeppner 
Johann  Bartsch 


5 


Helsinki 


Trip  of  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch,  Oc 


6 


JAKOB  HOEPPNER 

[1748  -  1826] 

Mennonite  Delegate  sent  to  Investigate  Russian  Emigration 

Jakob  Hoeppner  was  bom  January  3,  1748,  the  son  of  Jakob  and  Christina  [Bentz] 
Hoeppner.  He  married  Sara  Dyck,  and  the  couple  eventually  had  seven  children,  of  whom  four 
were  bom  in  Prussia,  three  in  Russia. 

The  Hoeppners  lived  in  Bohnsack,  Vistula  Delta,  where  they  rented  a  store,  cafe  and  inn. 
They  supplemented  their  meagre  income  by  collecting  amber  and  fishing  on  the  shore  of  the  Baltic 
Sea.  They  were  members  of  the  Flemish  Mennonite  Church. 

Having  impressed  Georg  von  Trappe  with  his  service  at  the  inn  in  Bohnsack,  von  Trappe 
suggested  him  as  a  delegate  when  the  time  came  to  choose  representatives  among  the  Mennonites 
of  Prussia  to  investigate  emigration  to  Russia.  Under  the  supervision  of  Elder  Peter  Epp  of  Danzig, 
Jakob  Hoeppner,  Johann  Bartsch  and  Jakob  von  Kampen  were  elected.  Von  Kampen  withdrew 
from  the  trip,  but  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  spent  an  arduous  year  inspecting  various  sites  and 
negotiating  with  Grigory  Potemkin  and  other  officials.  They  eventually  chose  an  area  near 
Berislav,  and  carefully  outlined  the  rights  and  privileges  Mennonites  would  require  to  consider 
emigration.  Nearing  St.  Petersburg  on  the  way  to  meet  the  Czarina  Catherine  H,  the  carriage 
carrying  the  delegates  overturned,  and  Hoeppner  hurt  his  leg.  Historians  say  the  leg  was  broken, 
but  the  quick  recovery  makes  this  highly  unlikely;  Xrays  had  not  yet  been  discovered,  so  the 
diagnosis  was  strictly  clinical  [on  the  basis  of  physical  examination].  Even  so,  in  pain  and  despite 
considerable  swelling,  he  carried  on  his  duties.  A  satisfactory  agreement  was  verbally  agreed  to 
by  Catherine,  and  signed  by  the  Russian  chancellor,  Count  Alexander  Bezborodko.  Both  delegates 
then  returned  home,  where  they  were  received  with  great  enthusiasm  in  November  of  1787. 

The  first  trickle  of  Mennonite  families  left  for  Russia  in  late  1787,  but  then  the  trickle 
became  a  torrent.  Easter  Sunday,  March  23,  after  a  short  early  morning  farewell  service  in  front 
of  the  Bohnsack  church,  seven  families  led  by  Hoeppner  embarked  on  the  long  journey.  After  five 
weeks  of  plodding  along  muddy  roads  and  camping,  they  reached  Riga.  By  the  autumn  of  1788  a 
total  of  228  families  arrived  in  Dubrovno,  where  they  spent  the  winter. 

With  spring  the  journey  continued  southward.  At  Kremenchug  Potemkin  informed 
Hoeppner  that  the  Mennonites  would  not  be  able  to  occupy  the  land  previously  chosen  near 
Berislav.  It  was  too  dangerous,  new  hostilities  having  again  broken  out  with  the  Ottoman  Empire. 
They  would  have  to  settle  in  the  Chortitza  River  area,  on  land  which  just  happened  to  be  owned  by 
Potemkin  himself!  This  land  was  much  dryer,  not  as  fertile,  and  not  as  near  to  market  centres.  A 
daughter,  Maria,  was  bom  to  the  Hoeppners  in  Kremenchug. 

The  unhappy  settlers  arrived  at  Chortitza  in  July,  1789.  They  first  camped  around  a  large 
oak  tree  near  the  Dniepr  River,  spent  the  winter  in  Alexandrovsk,  then  gradually  moved  out  to  set 
up  villages.  The  Hoeppner  family  settled  on  Chortitza  Island. 

When  the  Mennonites  first  settled  many  followed  the  pattern  they  had  used  in  Prussia,  on 
individual  farmsteads.  One  day  the  Hoeppner  household  was  robbed  and  the  family  tied  up. 
Hoeppner  and  two  companions  had  been  away  on  business,  and  arrived  home  that  evening.  He  and 
one  of  his  companions  were  attacked  and  beaten,  the  other  managed  to  run  for  help.  When  the 
bandits  heard  the  approaching  help  they  gathered  up  the  most  valuable  things  and  fled.  The 
bandits,  who  turned  out  to  be  merchants  from  the  nearby  town  of  Alexandrovsk,  were  later 
apprehended  and  brought  to  justice.  This  episode  showed  the  value  of  living  in  more  compact 
villages,  and  led  the  colonists  to  ask  the  government  to  provide  better  protection.  The  government 


7 


assigned  a  group  of  Cossacks  to  provide  this  “protection.'’ 

On  one  occasion  the  Cossack  officer  and  some  of  his  men  came  to  visit  the  Hoeppner  home. 
While  he  and  Hoeppner  were  visiting  in  the  living  room  the  other  Cossacks  were  stealing  from  the 
rest  of  the  house.  Confronted  with  this  fact  the  officer  laughed  and  did  nothing.  Hoeppner 
suddenly  took  the  officer’s  sabre,  locked  it  up  in  a  chest,  and  threatened  to  report  him.  Only  when 
additional  people  arrived,  and  one  of  the  Cossacks  was  knocked  of  his  horse  with  a  plank,  did  they 
relent.  The  officer  apologized,  he  promised  the  return  of  the  stolen  articles,  and  he  received  his 
sabre  back. 

Resentment  of  the  settlers  on  being  refused  their  originally  chosen  site,  and  for  the 
unfulfilled  government  financial  aid,  was  heaped  upon  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch.  They  were  accused 
of  negotiating  in  bad  faith,  and  of  embezzling  funds.  Hoeppner  was  expelled  from  the  Flemish 
congregation.  Even  worse,  he  was  imprisoned  in  Ekaterinoslav  and  was  to  be  deported  to  Siberia. 
When  Czar  Paul  I  died  in  1801,  and  was  succeeded  by  Alexander  I,  Hoeppner  was  released  in  the 
general  amnesty  after  having  been  in  prison  for  one  year.  Unfortunately  his  property  had  been  sold 
in  the  meantime,  and  was  not  returned  to  him. 

Hoeppner  was  eventually  received  into  the  Frisian  Church  in  Kronsweide,  where  he  quietly 
spent  the  last  years  of  his  life.  He  died  March  4,  1 826,  and  was  buried  on  Chortitza  Island.  His 
wife  Sara  had  predeceased  him  by  a  few  days,  having  died  on  February  27,  1826. 

The  vindictiveness  with  which  Hoeppner  was  treated,  and  the  mean-spirited  way  in  which 
he  was  dealt  with  even  after  his  release  from  prison  are  sad  reflections  of  the  spiritual  state  of  much 
of  the  Mennonite  church  at  that  time.  Very  much  later  the  Mennonite  community  reconsidered  the 
role  of  these  first  two  adventuresome  delegates.  In  1890,  as  part  of  the  centennial  celebrations  of 
the  Chortitza  Colony,  a  beautiful  monument  was  erected  in  his  honour  on  the  Island  of  Chortitza. 
This  marble  obelisk  has  now  been  moved  to  the  grounds  of  the  Mennonite  Heritage  Village,  in 
Steinbach,  Canada. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  72,  73,  95,  96,  97 

Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand’s  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  pp  147-149 
Loewen,  Harry,  No  Permanent  City,  Chapter  24,  In  the  Face  of  Death,  Herald  Press, 
Waterloo,  Canada,  Scottdale,  USA,  1993,  pp  116-118 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Schroeder,  William,  From  the  Vistula  to  Chortitza:  A  Chronology,  Unpublished  document 


8 


JOHANN  BARTSCH 

[1757-  1821] 

Mennonite  Delegate  sent  to  Investigate  Russian  Emigration 

Johann  Bartsch  was  bom  in  Prussia  on  September  6,  1757,  the  second  child  of  Jakob  and 
Christina  [Philipsen]  Bartsch.  He  married  Susanna  Laemmert  in  1779;  the  couple  had  three 
children.  They  lived  in  Nobel,  near  Danzig,  and  were  members  of  the  Frisian  Mennonite  Church. 

Along  with  Jakob  Hoeppner  and  Jakob  von  Kampen,  Johann  Bartsch  was  chosen  as  one 
of  three  delegates  to  represent  the  Prussian  Mennonites  on  a  trip  to  investigate  the  possibility  of 
migration  to  Russia.  Jakob  von  Kampen  did  not  go,  but  Hoeppner  and  Bartsch  spent  an  arduous 
year,  beginning  in  October  of  1 786,  inspecting  various  possible  sites  and  negotiating  with  officials. 
Bartsch  must  have  had  a  flare  for  writing,  or  he  missed  his  wife  and  family  very  much,  since  at  least 
four  of  his  letters  home  are  mentioned  in  a  chronology  of  the  trip.  Hoeppner  is  not  mentioned  as 
writing  at  all.  After  having  selected  a  possible  site  for  settlement,  Bartsch  and  Hoeppner  travelled 
to  St.  Petersburg,  where  a  satisfactory  agreement  was  verbally  agreed  to  by  Czarina  Catherine  II, 
and  signed  by  the  Russian  chancellor,  Count  Alexander  Bezborodko.  Both  delegates  then  returned 
home,  where  they  were  received  with  great  enthusiasm  in  November  of  1787. 

The  first  trickle  of  Mennonite  families  left  for  South  Russia  in  late  1787,  but  then 
increasing  numbers  followed.  Hoeppner  left  Bohnsack  on  March  23,1788.  The  Bartsch  family  also 
emigrated  with  the  first  wave,  settling  in  Rosenthal.  Soon  after  arrival  wife  Susanna  died,  on 
November  15,  1790. 

Johann  Bartsch  remarried,  in  1791,  to  Magdalena  Laemmert.  The  couple  had  a  total  of 
nine  children,  of  which  two  died  in  infancy.  Son  Jakob  served  as  Oberschulze[ reeve]  of  Chortitza 
Colony  from  1832  to  1838,  and  again  from  1841  to  1852. 

Bartsch  was  not  spared  the  recriminations  which  were  levelled  at  Hoeppner.  Anger  and 
the  frustrations  of  disappointment  were  heaped  on  the  two  delegates.  The  land  assessed  by  the 
delegates  and  promised  by  the  Russian  government  was  now  declared  to  be  in  a  war  zone  due  to 
recently  resumed  hostilities  with  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  therefore  was  not  available  for 
settlement.  The  region  where  the  Mennonites  were  forced  to  settle  was  much  inferior  to  the 
original  region  selected.  The  delegates  were  accused  of  negotiating  in  bad  faith.  The  Russian 
government  defaulted  on  promised  funds;  the  delegates  were  accused  of  embezzling  this  non- 
existant  money.  Johann  Bartsch  was  excommunicated  by  his  church,  but  was  later  reinstated  at  his 
own  request.  He  died  on  December  16,  1821. 

Much  later  the  Mennonite  community  reconsidered  the  role  of  the  first  two  delegates.  In 
1890,  as  part  of  centennial  celebrations,  a  beautiful  monument  in  his  honour  was  erected.  This 
marble  obelisk  first  stood  in  the  cemetery  at  Rosenthal,  but  now  has  been  moved  and  stands  on  the 
grounds  of  the  Mennonite  Heritage  Village  ,  in  Steinbach,  Canada. 

Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  72,  96 

Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand's  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  pp  147-149 

Klippenstein,  Lawrence,  Johann  Bartsch  [1757-1821],  Modem  Encyclopedia  of  Religions  in 

Russia  and  the  Soviet  Union  ,  Editor  in  Chief,  Paul  D.  Steeves,  Academic  International 
Press,  Gulf  Breeze,  Florida,  USA,  Volume  III,  April  1991,  pp  221-224 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Schroeder,  William,  From  the  Vistula  to  Chortitza:  A  Chronology,  unpublished  document 


9 


2.  THE  KLEIN K  GEMEINDE  AND 
KLAAS  REIMER 


The  story  of  the  beginning  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  and  the  life  of  Klaas  Reimer  are 
so  inexorably  intertwined  that  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  present  them  separately.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  the  initial  developments  were  not  a  general  groundswell,  but  rather  the 
result  of  the  vision  of  one  man,  Klaas  Reimer. 

Klaas  Reimer  was  bom  October  16,  1770,  in  Petershagen,  a  village  about  40 
kilometres  east  of  the  city  of  Danzig.  His  parents  were  Heinrich  and  Agatha  [Epp]  Reimer. 
In  his  autobiography  he  admits  to  no  formal  education,  although  he  obviously  could  read 
well,  and  had  enough  facility  with  languages  to  translate  Anabaptist  documents  from  Dutch 
to  German.  In  his  youth  he  worked  on  road  gangs  and  as  an  apprentice  carpenter.  He  came 
under  the  influence  of  pleasure  seeking  fellow-workers,  commenting  “...only  perishable 
vanity  was  evident...” 

At  the  age  of  20  Klaas  was  baptized  and  accepted  into  the  Danzig  church,  although 
he  still  admitted  to  some  personal  lack  of  proper  behaviour  and  commitment.  In  1792  he 
moved  to  Neunhuben,  a  village  just  east  of  Danzig,  where  he  joined  the  quite  conservative 
rural  Werder  Church. 

In  1798,  at  the  age  of  28,  Klaas  married  Maria  Epp,  who  was  ten  years  his  senior. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  Elder  Peter  Epp  of  Danzig,  who  had  died  in  1 789,  and  the  niece  of 
Komelius  Epp,  assistant  elder  of  the  rural  church  Klaas  had  joined.  The  couple  was  able 
to  buy  half  of  Komelius  Epp’s  farm,  and  for  the  next  years  did  quite  well  financially.  Only 
one  child  was  bom  to  the  couple,  Aganetha.  She  was  bom  in  1801,  and  unfortunately  died 
in  Russia,  some  time  after  1808. 

On  November  6,  1 806,  Maria  died  at  the  age  of  46.  Klaas  was  married  again  soon 
after,  January  9,  1 807,  to  Helena  van  Riesen,  who  was  1 7  years  his  junior.  The  home  seems 
to  have  been  peaceful  and  harmonious.  From  1 808  to  1 829  the  couple  had  a  total  of  ten 
children,  four  of  whom  died  in  infancy  or  early  childhood.  Surviving  to  adulthood  were 
Abram  [who  died  in  Blumenort,  Manitoba  in  1 892],  Klaas,  Helena,  Margaretha,  Heinrich 
and  Peter.  Son  Klaas  actually  got  his  father  into  a  bit  of  trouble  by  inventing  a  pedal 
powered  wagon.  The  brotherhood  felt  that  the  family  of  the  elder  could  spend  its  time  more 
profitably.  Reimer  himself  confessed  that  he  himself  was  “too  interested  in  such  matters.” 

Klaas  was,  somewhat  to  his  surprise,  elected  minister  of  his  congregation  on 
September  1,  1801.  Once  elected  he  took  his  position  seriously,  and  early  showed 
dedication,  independence  and  firmness  of  character.  He  read  extensively  -  the  Bible, 
Martyr’s  Mirror,  the  writings  of  Menno  Simons,  Dirk  Phillips,  Peter  Peters  and  other 
Anabaptists.  His  interpretation  of  Scripture  and  the  teachings  of  the  Anabaptist  forefathers 
helped  shape  his  vision  of  the  church.  While  he  read  sermons  from  the  pulpit,  he  actually 
wrote  them  himself.  From  his  new  perspective  he  was  distressed  by  the  immorality  and 
lack  of  church  discipline  he  observed  in  his  own  congregation. 

On  August  23,  1804,  having  had  enough  of  the  “sinful  Babylon”  in  the  Vistula 
Delta,  he  led  a  group  of  30  followers  from  the  Werder  Church  to  settle  in  Russia.  He  took 


10 


with  him  the  vision  of  a  new  start,  of  a  pure  church.  At  first  the  group  settled  in  the 
Chortitza  Colony,  where  Klaas  became  acquainted  with  the  like-minded  Cornelius  Janzen, 
who  was  elected  minister  in  Chortitza  in  1 805 .  Then  in  the  spring  of  1 805  the  group  moved 
to  Petershagen,  a  new  Flemish  village  being  established  in  the  Molotschna.  Klaas  Reimer 
was  to  discover  that  the  imperfect  world  he  had  thought  to  leave  behind  in  Prussia  followed 
him  to  Russia.  He  was  soon  at  loggerheads  with  the  newly  elected  Elder  Jakob  Enns  of  the 
Molotschna  congregation.  One  of  the  basic  conflicts  was  over  who  had  final  authority  in 
the  community,  the  church  or  civil  leaders.  Elder  Enns  routinely  allowed  miscreants  to  be 
given  corporal  punishment  at  the  civic  offices  [Gebietsaml].  Reimer  felt  that  imposing  the 
ban  was  the  only  punishment  consistent  with  Anabaptist  tenets  of  faith.  The  situation  was 
not  made  easier  by  the  quick  tempered,  often  irascible  and  high  handed  Elder  Enns. 

Reimer’ s  hopes  for  reform  of  the  church  from  within  were  dashed.  The  matter 
finally  came  to  a  head  in  1 8 1 2  when  Reimer  and  his  small  group  of  followers  began  to  hold 
their  own  meetings  in  private  homes.  Elder  Enns  promptly  banned  the  reformers  from  the 
mother  church,  but  also  continued  to  harass  them.  Reimer  was  convinced  that  he  was 
acting  on  spiritual  grounds,  and  that  to  give  in  at  this  point  would  be  hypocritical.  Enns  in 
the  meantime  threatened  dire  consequences,  including  exile  to  Siberia. 

The  small  group  had  two  ministers,  Klaas  Reimer,  and  Cornelius  Janzen,  who  had 
followed  Reimer  from  the  Chortitza  Colony.  In  1 814,  under  the  supervision  of  the  Frisian 
Elder  Heinrich  Janzen  of  the  Schoenwiese  church  of  Chortitza,  Klaas  Reimer  was  chosen 
as  elder  by  lot.  Heinrich  Janzen,  however,  hesitated  to  formally  ordain  him.  Reimer, 
nonetheless,  assumed  the  functions  of  elder.  In  1816  Cornelius  Janzen,  his  co-minister, 
preached  an  installation  sermon,  so  the  group  of  1 8-20  members  considered  itself  to  be 
organized  as  a  church. 

Elder  Enns  died  the  following  year,  and  was  replaced  by  Jacob  Fast  of  Halbstadt. 
Fast  was  “friendly  and  accommodating,”  but  by  welcoming  new  religious  teachings 
emanating  from  Prussia,  especially  pietistic  tendencies,  Reimer  considered  him  to  be  an 
even  greater  threat  to  the  teachings  of  the  new  church  than  Enns  had  been. 

Klaas  Reimer  had  very  strong  ideas  of  nonconformity,  humility  and  church 
discipline.  The  group  was  very  diligent  in  reading  the  Bible  and  other  Anabaptist  writings. 
They  practiced  foot  washing,  strict  discipline  and  honesty,  condemning  card  playing, 
smoking,  drinking,  higher  education,  musical  instruments,  mission  work  and  marrying 
one’s  sister-in-law.  Reimer  also  strenuously  opposed  support  of  the  Russian  war  effort 
against  Napoleon,  likely  as  part  of  the  total  non-resistant  lifestyle.  Any  worldly  act  was 
punished  by  excommunication,  then  shunning. 

With  this  very  narrow  and  essentially  joyless  interpretation  of  the  Christian  life  the 
movement  remained  small  for  almost  a  century,  being  called  the  “ Kleine  Gemeinde  ”  [Small 
Church],  as  opposed  to  the  “ Grosse  Gemeinde  ”  [Large  Church],  which  constituted  the  rest 
of  the  Molotschna  population.  The  principal  base  of  support  for  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  was 
in  Petershagen  and  Muensterberg,  with  some  members  in  Blumstein,  Lindenau  and  Fischau, 
all  in  the  Molotschna  Colony. 

Cornelius  Janzen  left  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  in  1 822,  taking  a  segment  of  the  church 
with  him,  back  to  the  Grosse  Gemeinde.  “This  secession  almost  finished  us,”  concluded 


11 


Klaas  Reimer.  Later,  however,  three  other  ministers  joined  the  church,  Heinrich  Wiebe  in 
1830,  Heinrich  Balzer  in  1834  and  Peter  Penner  in  1835. 

Even  more  dangerous  was  the  “false  humility”  movement  of  1828-29,  which 
threatened  the  leadership  of  Klaas  Reimer  and  almost  destroyed  the  Kleine  Gemeinde .  This 
faction  morbidly  dwelt  on  guilt  and  fear,  and  tried  to  follow  a  daily  routine  of  extreme 
asceticism  and  self-inflicted  punishment.  Reimer  himself  was  subjected  to  “scorn  and 
mocking”  by  this  group.  He  finally  delivered  a  powerful  admonitory  sennon  against  this 
fanaticism,  only  to  have  much  of  the  congregation  walk  out  of  the  meeting  in  disapproval. 
At  a  special  meeting  his  leadership  was  challenged,  and  he  barely  survived  a  vote  of 
confidence.  After  this  Reimer  gradually  regained  control  of  the  Gemeinde,  and  the  false 
humility  movement  faded  from  the  scene.  A  number  of  sermons  he  preached  after  this 
episode  demonstrated  his  positive  approach  to  this  most  trying  time.  “A  Sermon  on  Love 
and  Brotherhood,”  preached  in  1 832,  showed  his  deeply  felt  message  of  “following  Christ 
through  a  meek,  loving  and  sanctified  way  of  life.” 

Klaas  Reimer’ s  death  occurred  while  he  was  on  a  journey  visiting  the  flock  on 
horseback.  On  Monday,  December  28,  1837,  he  stayed  at  the  home  of  Peter  Kroeker  in 
Lindenau.  He  spoke  until  1 1  PM,  and  when  the  brethren  had  departed,  lay  down  to  sleep. 
Shortly  thereafter  he  had  sharp  pains  in  his  chest;  his  condition  gradually  worsened  until 
he  died  soon  after  4  AM.  It  is  said  that  when  he  had  died  the  first  message  sent  to  his 
family  was  that  Klaas  was  seriously  ill,  followed  by  another  message  that  he  had  died. 

Klaas  Reimer  was  buried  on  Tuesday,  January  4,  1838,  likely  in  the  cemetery  at 
Petershagen.  He  was  67  years,  two  months  and  1 3  days  old  when  he  died. 

Abraham  Friesen  was  elected  to  be  Klaas  Reimer’s  successor  on  April  3,  1 838.  At 
the  time  there  were  61  members  entitled  to  vote.  Again  with  Friesen  the  question  of 
ordination  arose,  the  Molotschna  elders  not  being  willing  to  perform  this  task  under  the 
conditions  acceptable  to  the  Kleine  Gemeinde.  Through  the  influence  of  Johann  Comies, 
however,  a  decree  was  issued  on  January  28,  1843,  whereby  the  Fuersorgekomitee  [the 
government  committee  responsible  for  foreign  immigrant  affairs]  compelled  the  elders  to 
recognize  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  and  the  functions  of  its  elder  as  valid. 

Johann  Friesen  was  elected  elder  on  June  10,  1847,  succeeding  Abraham  Friesen, 
who  died  soon  thereafter.  At  this  time  there  were  9 1  voting  members.  From  1 865  to  1 867 
about  120  Kleine  Gemeinde  families  from  the  Molotschna  purchased  6,137  dessiatines  of 
land  near  Nikopol  in  Ekaterinoslav  province  for  1 84, 1 00  rubles.  They  formed  five  of  the 
villages  of  the  Borozenko  Colony.  Together  with  other  smaller  settlements  in  the  area,  such 
as  Gruenfeld  and  Friedensfeld,  Borozenko  replaced  the  Molotschna  as  the  centre  of  Kleine 
Gemeinde  activities. 

In  1874  and  1 875  almost  all  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  emigrated  to  North  America, 
settling  in  Manitoba,  Nebraska  and  Kansas. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  75,  76,  106-1 13 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  18,  118 


12 


Plett,  Delbert  F.,  The  Golden  Years:  The  Mennonite  Kleine  Gemeinde  in  Russia  [1812-1849], 
D.  F.  P.  Publications,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1985,  ppl45-157 
Plett,  Delbert  F.,  Saints  and  Sinners:  The  Kleine  Gemeinde  in  Imperial  Russia  1812  to  1875, 
Crossway  Publications,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1999,  pp  33,  47-54, 67-70 
Reimer,  Al,  Biographical  Sketch,  Aeltester  Klaas  Reimer  [1770-1837]  in  Leaders  of  the 

Kleine  Gemeinde  in  Russia,  1812  to  1874,  Crossway  Publications,  Steinbach,  Canada, 
1993,  pp  113-120 

Reimer,  Johann  C.,  Familienregister  der  Nachkommen  von  Klaas  und  Helena  Reimer, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1958,  pp  7-24 

Reimer,  Klaas,  Ein  kleines  Aufsatz,  in  Leaders  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde,  pp  121-156 
Reimer,  Klaas,  A  Sermon  on  Love  and  Brotherhood,  in  Leaders  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde, 
pp  204-221 

Smith,  C.  Henry,  Smith 's  Story  of  the  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1981, 
pp  274-277 


13 


3.  VISIT  OF  CZAR  ALEXANDER  I 
TO  THE  MOLOTSCHNA  MAY  21, 1818 


It  is  the  habit  of  rulers  to  tour  their  empires,  particularly  if  they  are  far-flung  and 
diverse.  This  hopefully  serves  to  consolidate  the  population,  all  of  course  filled  with 
admiration  for  the  ruler,  and  allows  the  monarch  to  be  informed  about  the  various  parts  of 
the  kingdom.  There  is  the  added  benefit  that  it  is  cheaper  to  eat  out,  particularly  if  others 
are  footing  the  bill. 

On  a  trip  from  the  Crimea  back  to  St.  Petersburg,  Alexander  I  and  his  entourage 
chose  to  travel  through  a  row  of  western  Molotschna  villages,  likely  because  the  new 
Mennonite  settlements  were  considered  to  be  success  stories.  The  Molotschna  tour  began 
on  the  morning  of  May  21  when  the  procession  entered  Altonau,  the  most  southern  village 
on  the  royal  path.  Here  the  Czar  stopped  briefly  at  the  home  of  Elder  Jakob  Warkentin.  The 
visit  was  described  later  as  being  such  a  rare  moment  in  the  life  of  a  person  that  it  was  too 
overwhelming  to  actually  perceive,  the  tongue  became  silent  and  the  hands  automatically 
folded  in  prayer.  Then  the  entourage  continued  northward,  stopping  briefly  at  a  house  in 
Blumstein.  The  Czar  was  going  to  stop  for  breakfast  in  Lindenau,  the  second  village  down 

from  there,  at  the  home  of  Minister  David  Hiebert. 
The  visit  was  described  in  the  1848  Molotschna 
village  reports  as  a  major  event  in  the  history  of 
Lindenau.  It  was  also  recounted  in  some  detail  in 
the  Christlicher  Familienkalender  of  1900,  a 
publication  edited  by  Abraham  Kroeker,  who  was 
Hiebert’s  great-grandson.  Both  of  these  accounts 
were  likely  based  on  the  notes  made  by  David 
Hiebert  himself. 

Preparation  for  the  Czar’s  visit  began  four 
weeks  in  advance,  when  an  officer  from  Orechov 
appeared  and  announced  to  Mrs.  Agatha[David] 
Hiebert  “The  Czar  will  have  breakfast  at  your 
house.”  This  seemed  absolutely  unbelievable!  Yet 
after  eight  days  the  same  officer  reappeared  with 
orders  to  prepare  400  horses.  A  command  came 
through  the  municipal  offices  to  improve  the  roads, 
to  clean  and  decorate  houses,  yards  and  gardens. 
In  another  week  all  the  Molotschna  village  reeves 
gathered  at  the  Hieberts  for  an  update.  Almost  100  horses  had  been  collected,  the  best  were 
selected  and  trained  daily.  Everyone  in  the  villages  was  busy.  Streets  were  swept,  and 
decorated  with  new  sand,  grass  and  flowers.  Guards  were  posted  at  each  end  of  Lindenau 
to  prevent  anyone  from  driving  or  even  riding  down  the  street  before  the  Czar  had  passed 
through. 

On  May  21  the  weather  was  beautiful,  and  a  large  crowd  gathered  to  see  their 
monarch.  Mennonites  were  lined  up  on  the  left  side  of  the  village  street,  all  in  a  row, 


14 


Lutherans  and  their  friends  were  on  the  right.  The  Czar’s  entourage  consisted  of  19 
vehicles,  the  Czar  himself  riding  in  the  sixth.  The  royal  coach  was  pulled  by  six  horses, 
and  was  travelling  with  the  canopy  down.  The  whole  procession  slowly  entered  the  village 
at  about  1 0  AM.  The  Czar  greeted  those  to  the  right  and  to  the  left  by  nodding;  the  crowd 
responded  by  bowing  deeply. 

David  Hiebert  continued  the  narrative  “My  wife  and  I  were  standing  in  front  of  the 
door  of  our  house  in  order  to  greet  our  great  guest.  The  coach  stopped  opposite  our  house, 
the  Czar  got  out,  and  with  rapid  strides  approached  the  door.  When  he  stood  before  us  my 
wife  said  ‘  If  I  have  found  favour  in  the  eyes  of  your  Imperial  Majesty,  I  would  like  to 
present  you  with  a  small  gift.’  She  presented  him  with  a  bouquet  of  flowers  on  a  platter, 
which  his  majesty  graciously  accepted.” 

“When  we  invited  him  into  our  house  the  Czar  remarked  ‘  My  hostess  and  host 
must  enter  with  me.’  In  our  sitting  room  \grosse  Stube ]  was  a  large  table  with  two  candles 
and  covered  with  flowers.  In  the  comer  by  the  closet  a  second  table  was  spread  with  bread, 
butter,  onions  and  ham.  The  Czar  paced  back  and  forth  a  number  of  times,  then  said  ‘Oh, 
here  is  something  to  eat.’  ‘Yes,’  my  wife  replied,  ‘  if  I  can  serve  you  this  humble  fare,  I 
would  ask  you  to  eat.’  He  answered  ‘Yes,  dear  child,  I  will  eat  here.’” 

“We  quickly  moved  the  table  and  placed  the  chairs.  But  the  Czar  would  not  accept 
the  place  of  honour  at  the  head  of  the  table,  he  took  an  ordinary  chair  and  sat  down  along 
the  side.  I  asked  him  to  accept  a  better  chair,  but  he  insisted  ‘  No,  my  hostess  will  have  the 
place  of  honour.’  We  were  somewhat  flustered  by  these  words,  so  my  wife  said  ‘  I  am  far 
too  humble  a  servant  to  sit  next  to  the  Lord’s  anointed.’  ‘No,  dear  child, ’said  the  Emperor, 
and  he  took  her  by  the  hand,  and  led  her  to  the  place  of  honour.  Then  he  continued  ‘Sit 
down  next  to  me,  for  we  are  all  just  humans,  created  equal  by  God.’  I  myself  was  placed 
across  the  table  from  the  Emperor.” 

“During  this  time  I  thought  of  the  words  of  Psalm  144:3,  ‘O  Lord,  what  is  man  that 
you  care  for  him,  the  son  of  man  that  you  think  of  him?’  At  this  point  the  General 
Gorchakov  and  the  elderly  Kontenius  were  invited  to  the  table.” 

“His  Majesty  ate  with  a  hearty  appetite,  drank  beer  and  coffee,  and  during  the  meal 
enquired  about  our  circumstances;  how  long  had  we  lived  in  his  empire,  how  we  liked  it, 
did  we  have  anyone  to  complain  about?  My  wife  answered  ‘No,  instead  we  thank  your 
Imperial  Majesty  for  the  mercy  shown  us  and  the  kind  reception  we  have  received.  We  ask 
for  further  mercy  and  protection  from  your  Imperial  Majesty,  not  only  for  ourselves,  but  for 
our  co-religionists  in  Prussia,  who  through  the  great  and  terrible  war  are  in  dire 
circumstances.  We  ask  that  they  might  find  acceptance  and  support.’  Thereupon  the  Czar 
answered  my  wife  ‘Yes,  dear  child,  it  shall  be  done.’  He  struck  his  breast  twice,  and 
remarked  ‘You,  your  children  and  grandchildren  will  experience  my  beneficence.’  Upon 
leaving,  the  Emperor  presented  my  wife  with  a  magnificent  diamond  ring  as  a  memento  of 
this  very  important  day.” 

It  was  felt  by  the  citizens  of  Lindenau  that  such  a  remarkable  day,  when  the  anointed 
of  the  Lord  had  been  in  their  midst,  would  never  be  forgotten. 

After  his  breakfast  with  the  Hieberts  Alexander  continued  his  trip,  eventually 
reaching  Fuerstenau  by  the  afternoon.  Here,  it  was  said,  he  came  not  as  a  ruler,  rather  as 


15 


a  guest  and  a  much  beloved  father.  In  the  middle  of  the  village  Alexander  stepped  out  of 
his  carriage  and  walked  down  the  street  on  foot.  He  stopped  at  two  rather  humble  farm 
houses,  inspected  the  buildings,  and  asked  the  owners  how  they  were  doing.  These  people 
were  so  astonished  and  excited  that  they  could  hardly  answer. 

*  *  * 

This  brief  trip  of  Alexander  through  the  Molotschna  also  had  its  impact  somewhat 
later.  A  group  of  Mennonites  from  Prussia  was  migrating  to  southern  Russia  in  1 820  when 
they  stopped  to  rest  a  few  days  south  of  Warsaw.  Alexander  I  happened  to  be  in  that  city 
and  travelled  out  to  inspect  some  troops.  Warned  that  the  Czar  might  be  passing,  the 
leaders  of  the  group  stood  at  attention  on  the  roadway.  When  the  Czar  came  by  he  stopped 
his  carriage  and  beckoned  to  the  men.  He  asked  them  where  they  were  from,  and  where 
they  were  going.  They  said  they  were  going  to  the  Molotschna  in  southern  Russia.  The 
Czar  answered  “I  wish  you  well  for  your  trip.  Greet  your  brothers,  I  have  been  there.” 
When  the  settlers  arrived  in  the  Molotschna  and  told  their  story,  the  judge  Fadejew  said  that 
they  should  name  their  newly  founded  village  “Alexanderwohl”,  for,  he  said,  Czar 
Alexander  has  wished  you  well  [wohl  gewuenscht\. 

When  another  village  was  established  right  next  door  the  following  year  Johann 
Comies  suggested  “You  have  also,  just  as  your  neighbours,  received  favour  through  the 
great  Father  of  this  land,  so  you  should  name  your  village  “Gnadenheim”  [home  of  favour 
or  mercy].  When  Johann  Comies  made  a  suggestion  it  was  better  to  follow  it. 

*  *  * 

Royalty  must  have  enjoyed  travelling  through  the  Mennonite  colonies,  Alexander 
himself  repeating  his  visit  on  October  22,  1825,  even  staying  over  night  at  the  home  of 
Elder  Jakob  Warkentin  in  Altonau.  Other  members  of  the  royal  family  visited  Lindenau 
on  at  least  three  occasions.  When  Mrs.  Katharina  [Gerhard]  Neufeld  prepared  breakfast  for 
Count  Konstantin  Nikolajevitch  on  August  20,  1845,  she  received  two  diamond  earrings 
as  mementos. 

The  Mennonites  in  Russia  tended  to  venerate  the  Czars.  From  the  repeated 
references  to  “the  Lord’s  anointed”  it  appears  that  they  bought  wholeheartedly  into  the 
theory  of  the  “divine  right  of  kings.”  From  some  of  the  reports  one  might  wonder  where  the 
ultimate  loyalty  would  lie  -  with  God  or  the  Czar.  Mennonites  considered  the  invitation  to 
enter  the  country  in  the  first  place  to  have  been  a  personal  request  by  Catherine  the  Great, 
then  reinforced  by  the  succeeding  Paul.  Some  seemed  to  think  that  although  they  might  on 
occasion  be  stymied  by  inefficient  or  corrupt  bureaucrats,  that  everything  would  be  in  order 
if  they  could  only  communicate  directly  with  the  Czar. 

A  fair  number  of  Mennonites,  such  as  Abraham  Kroeker,  one  of  the  publishers  of 
the  Christlicher  Familienkalender,  were  unabashed  admirers  of  the  royal  family.  This 
almanac  contained  two  full  pages  every  year  listing  and  describing  the  entire  royal  family, 
including  all  the  cousins,  uncles  and  aunts.  A  brief  list  of  major  Mennonite  historical 
events  in  this  publication  includes  the  two  visits  by  Alexander  I,  right  along  with  the 


16 


founding  of  the  Molotschna  Colony  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 
Many  Mennonites  had  hung  up  pictures  of  the  Czar 
and  his  family  in  their  homes,  some  taking  along 
post  card  size  photographs  when  they  migrated  to 
Canada  in  the  1920s. 

Historian  P.  M.  Friesen,  in  his  massive 
history  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  includes 
four  separate  royal  pictures.  Czar  Nicholas  II  is  on 
the  frontispiece,  the  Czarina  Alexandra  on  the 
following  page,  then  Catherine  the  Great  and 
Alexander  II  appear  later  in  the  book.  Whether  this 
was  true  patriotism,  or  perhaps  also  a  touch  of 
political  astuteness  is  left  for  us  to  ponder. 


Czar  Nicholas  II 
[picture  from  P.  M.  Friesen] 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  Frontispiece  and  following  page,  pp  70,  482 
also  pages  143-144 

Goerz,  H.,  Die  MolotschnaerAnsiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950\1951,  pp  20,  21 
English  Translation,  1993,  pp  20,  21 

Kroeker,  Abraham,  Ein  Hoher  Besuch,  Christlicher  Familienkalender  filer  das  Jahr  1900,  Odessa, 
1899,  pp  112,113 

Kroeker,  Abraham,  Editor,  Christlicher  Familienkalender  juer  das  Jahr  1900,  Odessa  1 899, 
pp  32-34;  also  1905,  p  36 

Loewen,  Harry,  No  Permanent  City,  Chapter  25,  Visits  from  the  Tsar,  Herald  Press,  Waterloo, 
Canada,  and  Scottdale,  USA,  1993,  pp  1 19-122 

Russian  1835  Census  of  the  Molotschna  Villages,  Genealogy  Committee  of  the  Manitoba 
Mennonite  Historical  Society,  November,  1995,  pp  75,  76 

Unruh,  Benjamin  Heinrich,  Die  niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen  Hintergruende  der 
mennonitischen  Ostwanderungen,  Selbstverlag,  1955,  p  315 

Stumpp,  Karl,  The  Emigration  from  Germany  to  Russia  in  the  Years  1 763  to  1862,  American 
Historical  Society  of  Germans  from  Russia,  Lincoln,  USA,  1978,  p  182 

Village  Reports,  1 848,  published  in  Odesser  Zeitung,  1904,  Lindenau  plOO,  Blumstein  p  102, 
Altona[Altonau]  p  1 15,  Fuerstenau  p  127,  Alexanderwohl  p  131,  Gnadenheim  p  144 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Route  taken  by  the  Czar  Alexander  I  on  his  trip  through  the  Molotschna 
Czars  of  Russia  During  the  Mennonite  Period 


17 


Route  taken  by  the  Czar  Alexander  I  on  his  trip  through  the  Molotschna 
on  May  21,  1818,  labelling  villages  where  actual  stops  are  recorded 


18 


CZARS  OF  RUSSIA 
DURING  THE  MENNONITE  PERIOD 


Catherine  II 

[The  Great] 

1762-1796 

Conquered  the  Crimea  and  opened  southern 
Russia  for  settlement.  First  invited  the 
Mennonites  to  Russia 

Paul 

1796-1801 

Confirmed  Mennonite  privileges.  Murdered 

Alexander  I 

1801-1825 

Allied  with,  then  later  fought  against 
Napoleon.  Policies  varied,  depending 
on  who  had  the  Czar’s  confidence  at 
the  time.  Died  suddenly  while  on  trip 
in  southern  Russia 

Nicholas  I 

1825-1855 

Autocratic,  police  state,  but  some  economic 
progress 

Alexander  II 

1855-1881 

Introduced  many  reforms.  Start  of 

Russification  of  minorities,  including 
Mennonites.  Assassinated 

Alexander  III 

1881-1894 

More  authoritarian,  although  industry  did 
well 

Nicholas  II 

1894-1917 

Politically  weak  and  unreliable,  abdicated 
in  1917.  He  and  most  [all?]  of  his 
family  shot  in  1918 

Sources: 

Dmytryshyn,  Basil,  A  History  of  Russia,  Prentice-Hall,  Inc.,  Englewood  Cliffs,  New  Jersey, 
USA,  1977,  pp  328-342 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  p  382 


19 


4.  METEORITE  IN  1832 


There  are  two  reports  of  what  was  likely  a  meteorite,  seen  in  the  Molotschna  in 
1 832.  Both  appear  to  have  been  mentioned  as  a  bad  omen  for  the  “ schreckliches  Notjahr ” 
[terrible  year  of  suffering]  which  followed  in  1833. 

One  observer  described  ominous  weather,  with  continuous  dust  clouds  and  smoke. 
This,  he  felt,  produced  an  extraordinary  phenomenon,  which  was  an  astonishing  and 
magnificent  sight.  The  night  of  October  31,1 832  was  calm.  Beginning  approximately  at 
2  AM  and  until  daybreak  “the  whole  sky  was  engulfed  in  brilliant  flames  of  fire  in  the  form 
of  balls  or  in  long  narrow  or  wide  flashes.”  These  flashes  shot  down  from  the  sky,  and 
seemed  to  be  accompanied  by  distant  thunder.  This  continued  all  day,  and  according  to  the 
reporter,  was  visible  in  many  parts  of  Europe. 

In  the  1 848  Village  report  from  Sparrau,  likely  written  by  teacher  Peter  Friesen,  an 
equally  spectacular  episode  is  described  which  was  likely  the  same  event.  On  an  autumn 
night  of  1832  [specific  date  not  mentioned]  a  light  occurred  in  the  northern  sky  which 
looked  like  a  ball  of  fire.  This  unusual  fireball  seemed  to  open  up  so  that  one  could  look 
into  it,  then  it  closed  again.  The  fireball  then  vanished,  but  was  replaced  by  the  appearance 
of  innumerable  falling  stars. 

A  meteorite,  coming  into  the  earth’s  atmosphere,  could  appear  as  a  fireball.  With 
disintegration  it  would  be  broken  into  countless  smaller  fragments,  which  would  heat  up 
in  the  atmosphere  and  appear  as  falling  stars. 

The  Leonid  Meteorite  Shower  is  the  tail  of  Comet  Tempel-Tuttle.  This  shower 
peaks  every  33  years  when  the  comet  comes  closer  to  the  earth,  and  can  be  seen  world  wide. 
One  of  the  record  setting  showers  was  seen  in  North  America  between  November  1 0  and 
14,  1833.  Transposing  the  12  days  to  the  Julian  Calender,  this  would  be  the  end  of  October 
or  the  first  days  of  November  in  Russia. 

Meteorite  showers  sometimes  build  up  a  number  of  years  to  a  peak,  occurring  at  the 
same  time  every  year.  This  has  happened  on  a  number  of  occasions  with  the  Leonid 
Meteorite  Shower.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the  Mennonite  reports  from  1832  represent  a 
build-up  year  to  the  most  spectacular  showers  of  1 833. 

In  North  America  some  people  also  assumed  that  the  events  in  the  skies  had  religious 
significance  -  they  were  a  sure  signal  of  the  imminent  return  of  Jesus  Christ!  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  the  same  event  can  have  such  diverse  theological  interpretations  in 
different  parts  of  the  world! 


Sources: 

Unknown  Author,  possibly  Johann  Comies,  Edited  and  Translated  by  John  B.  Toews 

The  Good  Old  Days:  A  Russian  Mennonite  Document  from  1835,  Mennonite  Life, 
January,  1968,  p  32 

Village  Reports,  1848,  published  in  Odesser  Zeitung,  Sparrau,  p  153 
Young,  Scott,  Manitoba  Planitarium,  Winnipeg,  Canada 


20 


5.  CROP  FAILURE  IN  1833 


In  1830,  with  continuous  early  summer  drought  in  the  Molotschna,  and  constant 
strong  east  winds,  crop  failure  was  a  threat.  A  few  showers  finally  arrived,  giving  a  meagre 
harvest.  During  the  summer  of  1832  there  were  high  temperatures;  rains  and  dew 
completely  disappeared;  winds  withered  all  vegetation,  and  everything  was  wrapped  in  an 
atmosphere  of  dust.  When  fall  arrived  the  winter  wheat  was  planted  at  the  usual  time,  but 
into  completely  dry  soil.  It  did  not  germinate. 

The  winter  of  1 832  to  1 833  did  not  have  the  usual  snowstorms  of  the  steppe  region. 
The  moderate  night  frosts  pulverized  the  loose  topsoil  even  more,  so  the  air  was  filled  with 
clouds  of  dust.  The  grainfields,  pastures  and  hay  fields,  as  well  as  farmyards  were  covered 
with  dust.  It  piled  up  along  the  roads,  sometimes  reaching  the  height  of  the  fences.  Dust 
penetrated  through  windows  and  small  cracks  in  the  houses,  covering  the  furniture  in  thick 
layers. 

In  the  spring  of  1833  grain  was  planted  in  the  colonies  and  the  surrounding  areas, 
again  into  dry  ash-like  soil.  Despite  the  lack  of  germination,  the  farmers  did  not  despair. 
Early  in  May,  after  ten  months  of  drought,  a  gentle  rain  fell,  and  the  seed  did  germinate. 
Hopes  were  soon  dashed,  however,  when  the  destructive  east  winds  resumed,  and  the 
temperature  reached  28  °Reaumur  [33.6°C]  in  the  shade.  This  combination  soon  withered 
the  newly  germinated  plants.  A  second  rain  fell  on  May  21,  but  again  its  benefits 
disappeared  with  a  repeat  of  even  higher  temperatures,  up  to  29.5  °R  [35.4°C].  All  crops 
and  grass  of  pastures  and  hay  fields  were  burned  to  a  crisp. 

Only  the  fruit  trees  seemed  to  defy  the  onslaught  of  wind,  heat  and  dust!  They 
certainly  suffered,  but  survived  to  provide  somewhat  small,  prematurely  ripened  fruit.  The 
forest  plots,  recently  planted  near  many  of  the  villages,  also  survived. 

By  the  end  of  May,  because  of  the  absence  of  grass  on  the  pastures,  the  cattle  and 
horses  were  suffering  severely.  Attempts  were  made  to  graze  cattle  in  other  less  stricken 
areas,  but  they  were  too  far  away  to  be  practical.  Eventually  the  choice  was  made  to  keep 
only  a  few  milking  cows  per  family;  the  limited  supplies  of  hay  would  just  barely  keep  the 
essential  cows  alive,  thereby  also  providing  milk  for  the  community.  Dried  out  beds  of 
rivers,  creeks  and  ponds,  normally  disregarded,  now  also  provided  some  additional  hay. 
Fortunately  on  July  1  “He  [God]  provided  us  with  a  beneficial  rain.”  It  did  not  produce 
crops  or  revitalize  the  grass,  but  gave  enough  moisture  to  allow  a  somewhat  prickly  weed 
to  grow  [kurai].  The  weed,  harvested  before  it  was  over-ripe,  dampened  with  a  little  water 
at  feeding  time,  and  mixed  with  a  few  stalks  of  wheat  or  barley,  provided  surprisingly 
nourishing  feed  for  the  cattle.  This  even  allowed  provision  of  some  feed  to  be  stored  for 
the  coming  winter.  Even  so,  the  relatively  poorly  fed  cattle  sometimes  could  not  stand 
upright  on  their  own,  and  gave  very  little  milk.  Towards  the  end  of  January  of  1 834  a  dip 
in  the  temperature  to  -20  °R  [-24  °C]  penetrated  into  the  almost  empty  bams,  killing  the 
weaker  cattle.  Of  the  9,032  head  of  cattle  in  the  Molotschna  at  the  start  of  1 833,  only  5,0 1 1 
survived  to  the  spring  of  1834. 

Horses  were  even  more  severely  affected  than  the  cattle.  The  practice  had  been  to 


21 


pasture  many  of  the  horses  in  areas  well  south  of  the  Molotschna  for  the  winter.  With  the 
severe  weather  conditions,  the  initial  heat  and  drought  of  the  summer,  and  then  the 
subsequent  cold  of  winter,  it  was  discovered  that  many  of  the  horses  were  dying.  They 
were  therefore  brought  back  to  the  farms  in  the  Molotschna.  It  was  decided  to  keep  only 
the  best  draught  horses,  to  try  to  maintain  some  stock  that  was  reasonably  fed.  Initially 
there  had  been  7,348  horses,  reduced  to  4,986  by  May  1 ,  1 834. 

The  sheep  seem  to  have  withstood  the  extremes  of  weather  somewhat  better.  On 
May  1 , 1 834  there  were  98,892  sheep  in  the  Molotschna  which  could  be  sheared.  This  wool 
brought  in  259,880  rubles  in  cash,  much  needed  to  help  pay  for  some  of  the  other 
necessities  of  life. 

But  the  people  also  suffered,  not  only  the  crops  and  animals.  “Only  a  few  families 
were  able  to  fatten  their  pigs  for  butchering  so  as  to  use  them  for  lard  and  the  meat  for 
salting  and  smoking.  The  poorer  families  had  to  substitute  beef...”  How  tastes  do  change! 
But  there  were  also  true  desperate  shortages  “A  great  shortage  of  bread  existed,  and  some 
families  were  near  famine...” 

Efforts  to  obtain  grain  for  the  entire  community,  especially  those  near  starvation, 
were  fraught  with  difficulty.  The  drought  was  quite  widespread  and  involved  a  total  of  21 
districts,  so  freight  wagons  did  not  go  through  the  area  because  they  could  not  feed  their 
horses.  Drivers  from  the  Molotschna  therefore  had  to  travel  considerable  distances  to 
obtain  grain. 

The  district  office  was  assigned  the  care  of  the  destitute  and  starving  people.  A  fund 
was  established  to  finance  the  purchase  of  food;  46,000  rubles  was  provided  by  wealthier 
local  citizens,  but  the  government  also  contributed  357,000  rubles.  Once  the  food  supplies 
arrived  a  four-man  commission  was  set  up  to  distribute  them.  Investigation  showed  that 
535  families,  consisting  of  3,163  individuals,  had  some  degree  of  need.  It  appears  that  no 
one  in  the  Mennonite  colonies  actually  died  of  starvation. 

Thirteen  of  the  Molotschna  village  reports  written  in  1 848  specifically  mention  the 
drought  of  1833,  often  referring  to  it  as  “das  schreckliche  Notjahr”  [the  terrible  year  of 
need].  The  Muntau  correspondent  recorded  various  disasters,  but  concluded  “In  the  years 
1 833  and  1 834  the  suffering  exceeded  all  that  had  gone  on  before.” 

Hopes  were  high  for  1 834,  but  unfortunately  the  weather  was  again  unfavourable. 
Crops  were  meagre,  more  or  less  providing  only  enough  for  seed  grain.  There  were  severe 
epidemics  in  the  population  of  the  neighbouring  villages  in  the  spring  of  1834.  The 
Mennonite  villages  were  spared  this  additional  plague. 

But  finally  the  circumstances  changed.  In  1 835  the  weather  was  excellent,  and  each 
carefully  tilled  field  seemed  to  promise  a  rich  harvest.  One  observer  drew  spiritual  lessons 
from  the  dire  time  of  need.  “When  all  the  land  is  plagued  and  God’s  judgement  comes,  God 
chastises  for  the  betterment  of  the  human  race.  Man  is  obligated  to  place  his  courage  and 
trust  in  gracious  providence  and  to  continue  steadfastly  in  the  profession  God  has  given 
him.  In  the  end  he  will  be  crowned  with  heaven’s  blessings,  according  to  the  promises  so 
clearly  contained  in  the  Word  of  God.” 

The  Mennonites  continued  “in  the  profession  God  has  given,”  which  presumably 
meant  farming. 


22 


Sources: 

Epp,  D.  H.  [from  old  papers],  Historische  Uebersicht  ueber  den  Zustand  der  Mennoniten- 

gemeinden  an  der  Molotschna  vom  Jahre  1836,  UnserBlatt,  March  1928,  pp  139-143 
Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand’s  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  p  186 
Isaac,  Franz,  Die  Molotschnaer  Mennoniten,  H.  J.  Braun,  Halbstadt,  Russia,  1908,  pp  19,  20 
Unknown  Author,  possibly  Johann  Comies,  Edited  and  Translated  by  John  B.  Toews,  “The 
Good  Old  Days:  A  Russian  Mennonite  Document  from  1835,  Mennonite  Life, 

January  1968,  pp  31-34 

Village  Reports,  1848,  published  in  Odesser  Zeitung,  Halbstadt,  p  91;  Muntau  p  95; 

Lindenau  p  100;  Petershagen  p  108;  Ladekopp  p  1 12;  Muensterberg  p  1 16; 
Alexanderwohl  p  132;  Franztal  p  134;  Mariental  p  138;  Alexandertal  p  143; 
Wemersdorfp  150;  Friedensdorf p  151;  Sparraup  153 


23 


6.  EARTHQUAKE  IN  1838 


On  January  11,  1838  at  9:30  PM  an  earthquake  was  recorded  in  the  Molotschna 
Colony.  It  apparently  involved  an  extensive  strip  across  southern  Russia,  since  it  was  felt 
in  the  German  settlements  of  the  Mariupol  region  south  and  eastward,  as  well  as  in 
settlements  west  of  the  Molotschna.  Houses  in  the  Molotschna  did  not  collapse,  but 
pendulum  clocks  were  stopped,  cups  and  drinking  glasses  rattled,  pets  and  chickens  were 
very  uneasy.  Wells  which  prior  to  the  earthquake  gave  only  a  meagre  supply  of  water 
became  abundant  sources. 

In  1 848  the  Molotschna  villages  were  asked  to  write  brief  histories,  including  their 
establishment,  and  any  significant  events  that  had  occurred.  A  number  of  these  reports 
mention  the  earthquake  of  January  11,  1838.  Halbstadt  and  Ohrloff  mentioned  a  strong 
earthquake,  but  no  significant  damage.  In  Muntau  the  quake  was  called  “terror  inspiring” 
[Schrecken  erregende ],  but  the  only  long  term  effect  was  a  rise  of  the  water  level  in  the 
wells,  as  was  the  case  in  Franztal.  In  Mariental  deep  wells  actually  caved  in,  but  later  the 
benefit  of  a  ten  foot  higher  water  table  was  noted.  In  both  Grossweide  and  Konteniusfeld 
the  water  level  also  rose,  but  the  water  became  bitter,  and  in  Konteniusfeld  actually 
unusable  by  humans.  It  was  said  that  in  hot  summer  days  not  even  the  horses  in 
Konteniusfeld  could  drink  the  water. 

This  earthquake  has  been  documented  scientifically,  with  specific  information 
available  from  the  United  States  National  Earthquake  Information  Center.  It  is  recorded  as 
occurring  January  23  at  18:36  Greenwich  Mean  Time.  Correcting  for  the  Julian  calendar 
and  the  different  time  zones,  this  is  exactly  the  correct  time  as  recorded  historically!  The 
epicentre  was  at  45.7°N  Latitude  and  26.6°E  Longitude,  which  is  about  750  kilometres 
west  and  slightly  south  of  the  Molotschna.  It  was  centred  150  kilometres  below  the  earth’s 
surface,  and  measured  6.9  on  the  Richter  Scale.  This  is  of  the  same  magnitude  as  the  quake 
at  Kobe,  Japan,  of  January  16,  1995,  and  only  slightly  less  than  the  7.1  of  the  1989  Loma- 
Prieta  earthquake  which  centred  around  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Francisco  on  October  17,1 989 
[during  a  World  Series  baseball  game].  According  to  a  geologist  the  1 838  earthquake  was 
certainly  strong  enough  “to  give  the  whole  area  a  good  jolt.” 


Sources: 

Brisbin,  Dr.  W.  C.,  Professor  of  Structural  Geology,  University  of  Manitoba,  Canada,  personal 
communication 

Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand’s  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  p  189 
United  States  Geological  Survey,  National  Earthquake  Information  Center 
Village  Reports,  1848,  published  in  Odesser  Zeitung,  Halbstadt  p  92,  Muntau  p  95,  Franztal  p  134, 
Grossweide  p  136,  Mariental  p  138,  Konteniusfeld  p  155,  Ohrloff  p  162 
World  Almanac  and  Book  of  Facts  1998,  World  Almanac  Books,  Mahwah,  USA,  1998,  p  270 


24 


7.  THE  DEATH  AND  FUNERAL 
OF  JOHANN  CORNIES 


The  wife  of  Johann  Comies,  Agnes,  became  ill  and  died  on  the  fifth  day  of  her 
illness,  on  March  30, 1847.  At  the  time  Johann  Comies  [junior]  was  travelling  in  Prussia, 
in  part  to  overcome  depression  because  of  the  death  of  his  first  wife,  in  part  to  look  for 
another.  Father  Johann  Comies  wrote  his  son  the  bad  news,  but  urged  him  to  continue  his 
travels  in  Prussia. 

In  time  the  son  Johann  did  find  a  potential  wife,  and  planned  to  get  married  in 
Prussia.  He  asked  that  his  only  sister  Agnes  and  her  husband  Philipp  Wiebe  come  to 
Prussia  for  the  wedding.  Father  Johann  readily  agreed  to  this.  It  was  a  difficult  parting  for 
all  concerned,  with  a  premonition  that  this  might  be  a  final  farewell. 

After  the  Wiebes  left,  Johann  moved  his  bedroom  to  the  Eckstube  [comer  room]. 
He  increasingly  withdrew  to  this  room  even  during  the  daytime,  highly  unusual  for  Johann. 
Even  a  meeting  of  the  Agricultural  Society  together  with  the  civic  officials  was  held  in  the 
Eckstube,  little  realizing  that  this  would  be  Comies’  last  participation. 

Johann’s  zest  for  work  had  left  him;  he  looked  sick.  This  had  not  come  upon  him 
suddenly  -  he  had  become  less  talkative  and  more  introspective  for  some  time.  Shortly 
before  his  illness  he  had  spent  some  evenings,  after  his  cup  of  tea,  dictating  to  his  secretary. 
He  would  take  a  large  number  of  loose  papers  out  of  his  desk,  and  using  them  as  notes, 
dictate  his  thoughts.  But  this  became  increasingly  difficult.  Sometimes  they  sat  far  into  the 
night,  often  accomplishing  very  little.  He  would  sit  for  long  periods,  then  admit  that  he 
could  no  longer  recollect  his  previous  thoughts. 

On  February  29,  1848  Comies  was  laid  up  in  bed,  succumbing  to  a  serious  throat 
infection  [probably  quinsy,  an  infection  behind  the  tonsils].  His  brother  David  had  him  try 
some  powerful  inhalants,  which  improved  the  condition  enough  to  allow  Johann  to  get  out 
of  bed  for  several  days.  Then  he  relapsed.  Gradually  his  strength  seemed  to  ebb  away. 

Suddenly  one  day,  when  Johann  was  already  quite  weak,  with  the  help  of  his 
secretary,  he  dressed  completely,  including  his  boots.  He  got  up,  and  without  help  briskly 
walked  out  the  door.  There  he  halted,  and  quietly  looked  out  into  the  distance.  He  sighed, 
waved  his  hand  as  if  to  dismiss  everything,  then  turned  back  to  his  bed. 

Comies  was  quiet  and  patient  in  his  illness.  Generally  he  preferred  to  be  alone.  A 
physician  was  called  in  on  two  occasions,  but  could  provide  no  help.  His  good  friend  and 
spiritual  advisor,  Minister  Peter  Neufeld,  often  visited  him,  and  was  with  him  when  the 
hour  of  death  approached.  Johann  Comies  died,  slipping  away  as  he  lay  quietly  with  his 
eyes  closed,  on  March  13, 1848. 

The  funeral  was  on  March  16,  at  the  Comies  residence  in  Ohrloff.  The  only  one  of 
his  off-spring  present  was  the  young  daughter  of  his  son  Johann,  but  this  was  more  than 
compensated  for  by  the  widespread  participation  of  many  people.  It  was  said  that  never 
before  had  there  been  an  occasion  in  the  colonies  with  such  a  diverse  representation  of 
nationalities  and  religions.  There  were  of  course  Mennonites,  but  also  other  Germans, 
Russians,  Nogaies,  Molokans,  Dukhobors  and  Jews,  all  coming  to  pay  last  respects  to  their 


25 


friend  and  helper. 

After  the  simple  traditional  funeral  oration  by  Elder  Bernhard  Fast  of  the  Ohrloff 
church,  the  coffin  was  taken  out  onto  the  yard  because  the  house  could  impossibly  hold  all 
those  who  had  come.  It  took  a  long  time  until  everyone  had  come  by  and  paid  their  last 
respects.  Johann’s  face 
was  peaceful,  even  in 
death.  The  body  was 
then  taken  to  the 
Ohrloff  cemetery;  the 
procession  snaked  all 
the  way  from  the  house 
to  the  grave  site.  There 
his  earthly  remains 
were  placed  next  to  his 
wife  Agnes. 

A  black  marble 
monument  was  erected 
at  his  grave  in  1 849  in 
his  honour.  It  was  a 
broken  off  pillar,  signifying  that  his  work  had  not  yet  been  completed. 

A  friend  of  his,  Baron  Fedor  von  Rosen,  president  of  the  Fuersorgekomitee,  the 
government  agency  that  regulated  the  affairs  of  the  Mennonites,  summed  up  Johann’s  life 
“In  thankful  remembrance,  the  prematurely  departed  Comies  continues  to  live  for  us,  his 
life  and  work  were  models  for  us.  He  was  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word  a  Christian...” 
Rosen  also  took  the  opportunity  to  encourage  other  Mennonites  “May  the  picture  of  the 
unforgettable  Comies  always  remain  in  your  memory... may  you  gladly  follow  his 
example...” 


Former  Johann  Comies  residence  in  Ohrloff,  later  owned  by 

Johann  Wiebe 


Sources: 

Epp,  David  H.,  Johann  Cornies,  Echo-Verlag,  Rosthem  and  Steinbach,  Canada,  1946, 
pp  142-147 

Gavel,  Johann  Cornies,  Unterhaltungsblatt,  October  1 848,  Beilage,  after  page  80,  pp  9-18 
Goerz,  H.,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950/51,  p  38 
Hildebrand,  J.  J.,  Hildebrand’s  Zeittafel,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1945,  p  196 
Isaac,  Franz,  Die  Molotschnaer  Mennoniten,  H.  J.  Braun,  Halbstadt,  Russia,  1908,  p  19 


Background  Information: 
Johann  Comies 


26 


JOHANN  CORNIES 
[1789-  1848] 


Johann  Comies  was  bom  June  20,  1789  in  Baerwalde,  near  Danzig,  in  West  Prussia.  He 
was  the  eldest  of  four  sons  of  Johann  and  Maria  Comies.  The  Comies  family  emigrated  to  Russia 
in  1804,  and  after  spending  two  years  in  the  Chortitza  Colony,  settled  in  the  newly  established 
village  of  Ohrloff  in  the  Molotschna.  Originally  a  sailor,  the  senior  Comies  now  took  up  herbal 
medicine,  and  was  soon  treating  patients  from  far  and  wide.  The  family,  which  had  required 
government  assistance  to  emigrate,  now  became  quite  affluent.  Meanwhile  the  son  Johann  worked 
a  year  as  a  labourer  for  a  miller,  then  purchased  a  Russian  cart  and  began  selling  Molotschna 
agricultural  products  in  the  cities  of  the  Crimea. 

In  1 8 1 1  Johann  married  Agnes  Klassen.  The  couple  had  five  children,  of  whom  the  eldest, 
Johann  [bom  1812],  and  the  youngest,  Agnes  [bom  1819],  were  the  only  ones  to  survive  to 
adulthood.  In  1 8 1 2  the  young  Comies  family  is  listed  as  Eimvohner  [occupants]  in  the  home  of  his 
father,  but  soon  thereafter  he  bought  his  own  Wirtschaft  [farm]  in  Ohrloff. 

Johann  purchased  a  small  flock  of  sheep,  and  in  1 8 1 2  leased  some  unoccupied  crown  lands 
for  his  operations.  Even  at  this  time  his  plans  and  vision  reached  well  beyond  the  confines  of  his 
own  village,  and  certainly  included  many  aspects  of  agricultural  development  well  beyond  the 
experience  of  his  compatriots. 

In  1816  Comies  established  a  stud  farm,  he  himself  visiting  the  Don  region  to  select 
suitable  horses.  Soon  thereafter  he  also  started  to  improve  the  breed  of  cattle  by  the  use  of 
imported  bulls.  By  1817  government  officials  had  obviously  noted  the  prodigious  activities  and 
wide  interests  of  Johann  Comies;  he  was  appointed  life-long  chairman  of  the  Society  for  the 
Effective  Promotion  of  Afforestation,  Horticulture,  Silk  Industry  and  Vine  Culture.  This  position 
ushered  Comies  into  public  life  and  assured  his  influence  in  Mennonite  colonies  as  well  as  beyond 
into  the  surrounding  population. 

An  agronomist,  Gavel,  writing  about  Comies,  felt  that  the  well-spring  of  his  career  was  an 
ardent  desire  to  secure  the  future  well-being  of  the  Mennonite  settlements  by  ensuring  that  they 
would  flourish  and  gain  for  themselves  a  highly  favourable  reputation.  This  would  be  achieved  by 
a  “system  of  rational,  market  oriented  agriculture,  resting  on  experimentation... It  would  secure  for 
a  growing  population  a  greater  enjoyment  of  life,  morally,  spiritually,  and  materially,  under  the 
aegis  of  a  gentle  but  strict  leadership.”  Also  of  basic  importance  to  Comies,  according  to  Gavel, 
was  to  live  a  Christian  life.  But  he  also  wished  to  demonstrate  devotion  to  his  monarch,  the  Czar, 
and  to  his  new  Fatherland.  This  could  best  be  done  by  ensuring  the  well  being  of  the  Mennonite 
colonies  and  their  neighbours  on  the  steppes  of  South  Russia,  thereby  enriching  the  land  and 
serving  as  ideal  examples  to  follow.  While  the  expression  of  devotion  to  royalty  was  likely 
motivated  by  pragmatic  politics,  there  is  ample  evidence  that  Comies  did  often  receive  advice  and 
direction  from  government  agencies,  but  was  also  in  a  position  to  give  advice  and  influence 
government  policies.  He  obviously  had  the  complete  confidence  of  officials  such  as  the  chairman 
of  the  Fuersorgekomitee  [committee  supervising  foreign  colonists],  and  was  often  consulted  on 
agricultural  matters  well  beyond  the  confines  of  the  Mennonite  colonies. 

In  1830  Comies  leased  a  large  tract  of  government  land  along  the  Juschanlee  River,  and 
over  the  years  developed  this  area  into  a  model  and  experimental  farm.  Many  of  the  innovations 
instituted  by  Comies  were  first  tried  on  his  own  land  or  on  Juschanlee.  Eventually  a  complex  of 
agricultural  and  business  buildings  was  erected,  extensive  gardens  were  planted  as  well  as  tree 
nurseries  and  a  forest  of  68,000  trees.  Comies  later  purchased  a  number  of  large  estates  near 


27 


Melitopol,  and  also  had  his  own  brickyard  and  manufacturing  operation. 

Also  in  1 830  the  Landwirtschaftliche  Verein  [Agricultural  Society]  was  introduced  in  the 
Molotschna.  Johann  Comies  was  its  Vorsitzer  [chairman],  appointed  to  that  position  for  life  by 
General  Inzov,  chairman  of  the  Fuersorgekomitee.  Initially  the  powers  of  the  Society  were  limited 
to  the  giving  of  advice,  and  that  within  a  well  defined  sphere.  This  sphere  was  in  agriculture, 
horticulture,  afforestation,  silk  production  and  the  planting  of  vineyards.  Partly  because  of  its  direct 
links  with  the  authorities,  partly  because  of  the  character  of  the  chairman,  the  suggestions  of  the 
Society  tended  to  become  compulsory.  The  terms  of  reference  also  widened  considerably  until 
there  was  very  little  in  the  lives  of  the  Molotschna  residents  which  was  not  in  some  way  regulated. 

With  vigour  which  knew  almost  no  bounds,  with  knowledge  gathered  from  extensive 
reading,  from  a  wide  circle  of  contacts  and  from  experimental  trials,  and  with  a  vision  which  in 
many  instances  was  uncannily  accurate,  Comies  proceeded  to  improve  the  circumstances  in  the 
Mennonite  colonies.  To  implement  change  in  a  relatively  conservative  society  seemed  at  times  to 
require  despotic  means.  Separation  of  civil  and  religious  spheres  was  often  blurred.  The  traditional 
personal  responsibility,  community  leadership  and  prohibition  of  the  use  of  force  between  believers 
sometimes  became  casualties  of  expediency. 

Afforestation  was  a  long  term  project  of  Johann  Comies.  He  was  convinced  that  the  well¬ 
being  of  the  agricultural  communities  on  the  bald  steppes  of  South  Russia  could  be  improved,  even 
the  weather  modified  to  some  degree,  by  the  massive  planting  of  trees.  As  was  his  practice,  Comies 
first  modelled  this  concept  on  his  own  farms,  starting  in  1831.  Eventually  sections  were  set  aside 
in  each  village  for  forests;  it  became  mandatory  to  plant  hedges  between  the  Wirtschaften ;  every 
farmer  had  to  plant  a  certain  number  of  fruit  trees  each  year;  alleys  of  trees  were  planted  along  the 
roads  between  villages.  Meticulous  records  were  kept  to  document  the  progress  of  the  project.  On 
January  1,  1844,  for  example,  there  were  2,710,434  trees  in  the  Molotschna,  of  which  250,342  had 
been  planted  in  1843. 

Animal  husbandry  was  also  a  continuing  concern  of  Comies;  he  worked  on  breeding 
Merino  sheep  for  the  production  of  wool,  as  well  as  improving  the  stock  of  horses  and  cattle.  With 
the  dry  conditions  of  southern  Russia,  the  traditional  Mennonite  swampland  methods  of  agriculture 
needed  to  be  modified  to  adjust  to  the  new  conditions.  Feeling  that  more  land  should  be  devoted 
to  cereal  crops,  partly  to  take  advantage  of  world  market  demands,  Comies  experimented  with  and 
kept  records  of  crop  yields  using  various  new  innovations.  By  1835,  on  the  basis  of  proven 
increased  yield,  a  four  field  system  of  farming  was  introduced,  with  rotation  of  crops  leaving  one 
part  in  summerfallow  at  all  times.  The  use  of  manure  as  fertilizer  was  also  advocated.  Building 
of  artificial  ponds  was  initiated  by  constructing  earth  dams  on  the  small  rivers  that  ran  through  the 
area.  This  would  assure  a  constant  supply  of  water  for  flocks  and  herds,  and  allow  for  irrigation 
of  low  lying  hayfields. 

Comies’  interests  and  influence  did  not  long  remain  confined  to  agriculture.  He 
encouraged  many  industries  and  crafts,  and  even  established  Neu-Halbstadt  as  an  industrial  suburb 
of  Halbstadt.  Since  the  government  was  interested  in  the  silk  industry,  Comies  promoted  the 
planting  of  mulberry  trees  and  hedges  and  the  production  of  silk. 

In  1843  the  Agricultural  Society  was  given  jurisdiction  over  the  schools  in  the  Molotschna, 
and  Comies  approached  this  task  with  his  usual  vigour.  Primary  education  became  compulsory. 
Attempts  were  made  to  improve  instruction  by  upgrading  teachers,  standardizing  the  curriculum 
and  by  regular  school  inspections.  Comies  published  “General  Guidelines  for  Instruction  of  and 
Dealing  with  School  Children,  for  the  Teachers  of  the  Molotschna  District”  in  which  87  specific 
suggestions  were  made  to  improve  the  quality  of  education.  New  and  more  functional  schools  were 
built  in  many  villages  to  help  this  process. 

The  influence  of  Comies  soon  spread  well  beyond  the  borders  of  the  Molotschna  Colony. 


28 


Chortitza,  while  officially  not  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Agricultural  Society,  nevertheless 
implemented  many  of  the  programs.  Comies  was  asked  by  the  government  to  help  in  the  settlement 
of  the  nomadic  Nogaies;  he  worked  with  the  Hutterites  as  well  as  the  Molokans  and  Dukhobors. 
He  established  an  agricultural  internship  program  for  young  Russians  and  helped  them  to  develop 
model  villages.  He  tried  to  improve  the  agricultural  status  of  the  surrounding  Jewish  settlements. 
Comies’  work  was  obviously  recognized  and  appreciated  by  the  government.  He  received  a 
number  of  royal  family  visits  as  well  as  gifts  of  land,  but  also  continuing  authority  to  allow  him 
to  enforce  his  plans. 

It  was  under  the  tutelage  of  Johann  Comies  that  the  concept  of  Musterwirte  [model 
farmers]  came  to  be  virtually  a  tenet  of  faith  in  the  Mennonite  settlements.  The  concept  dated  back 
to  the  establishment  of  the  colonies,  but  was  gradually  refined  and  regulated  until  it  came  to 
constitute  a  large  part  of  the  Mennonite  philosophy  of  life.  The  Mennonites  were  actually  held  up 
by  those  in  authority  as  models  of  progress,  examples  of  achievement  and  industry.  Witness  to 
their  faith  could  best  be  expressed  in  excellence  -  in  the  establishment  of  Wirtschaften  that  were 
neat  and  orderly  to  a  fault,  that  complied  with  every  regulation  set  down  by  the  Agricultural 
Society,  and  that  exemplified  the  most  modem  agricultural  techniques  and  innovations. 

During  his  years  as  chairman  of  the  Agricultural  Society,  Comies,  by  virtue  of  the  fact  that 
the  Society  controlled  land  allotment  and  development,  planned  the  establishment  of  a  number  of 
villages  in  the  Molotschna.  Konteniusfeld,  named  after  Samuel  Kontenius,  the  tireless  and  devoted 
chairman  of  the  Fuersorgekomitee  in  Odessa  for  many  years,  was  founded  in  1832.  Fischau  was 
also  moved  to  a  better  site  that  year.  Gnadenfeld  was  established  in  1835,  Waldheim  in  1836  and 
Landskrone  in  1 839.  In  1 843  Neu-Halbstadt  was  begun,  and  that  same  year  Comies  also  planned 
Huttertal  and  a  few  years  later  Johannesruh  for  Hutterite  settlers. 

In  1848  Johann  Comies  planned  the  establishment  of  a  model  village,  Hierschau.  He 
planned  it,  but  was  not  able  to  cany  out  the  plans.  Late  in  February  he  became  ill,  eventually 
becoming  bedridden.  He  died  March  13,  1848,  of  a  severe  throat  infection.  The  funeral  was  held 
on  March  16.  According  to  reports  “people  flocked  from  far  and  wide  to  accompany  the  mortal 
remains  of  the  departed  benefactor  to  their  final  resting  place...” 

Johann  Comies  was  predeceased  by  his  wife  Agnes,  who  died  March  30,  1847,  and 
survived  by  two  children,  Johann  and  Agnes.  A  memorial  was  erected  in  the  cemetery  at  Ohrloff 
in  his  honour,  a  broken  marble  column,  signifying  that  his  work  had  not  been  completed. 


Sources: 

Epp,  David  H.,  Johann  Comies,  Echo-Verlag,  Rosthem  and  Steinbach,  Canada,  1946, 
pp  1-148 

Gavel,  Johann  Comies,  Unterhaltungsblatt,  October  1848,  Beilage,  after  page  80,  pp  9-18 
Goerz,  H.,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950/51,  pp  40-53 
Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  32-36 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Molotschna  Report,  Mennonitische  Blaetter,  March  1855,  p  19 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  name  of  Johann  Comies’  wife  and  daughter  is  in  some  doubt.  Many 
documents  refer  to  Agnes,  but  there  are  some  sources  that  list  them  as  Aganetha. 

No  picture  of  Comies  has  been  included  in  this  biography.  Our  assumption  is  that  the  picture 
commonly  used  has  little  resemblance  to  the  real  man,  and  was  certainly  not  drawn  by  an 
admirer  of  his! 


29 


8.  130  HORSES 


1 848  was  an  interesting  year.  Sparked  by  a  revolution  in  Paris  on  February  24,  in 
which  Louis-Philippe  was  overthrown,  a  series  of  uprisings  erupted  across  Europe,  all  the 
way  from  Ireland  to  Hungary.  The  flames  were  fanned  in  part  by  famine  from  recent  crop 
failures,  by  economic  downturn,  but  also  by  a  common  desire  for  the  people  to  have  a 
more  meaningful  input  into  their  governments.  In  some  regions  the  revolutions  were 
relatively  mild  and  gentlemanly  affairs,  but  in  some  areas,  such  as  northern  Italy  and 
Berlin,  they  turned  bloody. 

There  had  been  revolt  in  Russian  Polish  territory  on  a  number  of  occasions,  in  1 830 
and  1 846,  but  not  specifically  at  this  time.  Czar  Nicholas  I,  however,  was  not  amused  by 
the  turmoil  which  was  bubbling  over  so  close  to  his  borders.  Apportioning  to  himself  the 
role  of  “international  peace-keeper”,  he  ordered  400,000  men  to  prepare  for  a  westward 
drive,  but  later  downgraded  this  scheme.  In  July,  1848,  Russian  forces  invaded  and 
occupied  the  neighbouring  principalities  of  Moldavia  and  Walachia  to  quell  revolutions. 
In  agreement  with  Turkish  authorities  the  political  structures  of  these  regions  were  altered. 

It  was  more  difficult  for  Nicholas  to  help  Austria,  where  a  number  of  social  and 
“nationalist”  revolutions  broke  out,  for  example  in  Prague,  Vienna,  northern  Italy  and 
Galicia.  Eventually  a  Russian  army  of  1 70,000  men  entered  Hungary  in  June  of  1 849  to 
help  the  Austrian  army  quell  a  serious  revolution. 

The  Mennonites,  while  safely  isolated  on  the  wide  steppes  of  South  Russia,  were 
not  totally  unaware  of  the  trends  sweeping  through  Europe,  and  likely  were  also  cognizant 
of  the  attitude  of  their  own  government,  particularly  that  of  Nicholas  I.  They  wished  to 
assure  the  Czar  that  they  had  no  aspirations  similar  to  those  of  the  revolutionaries,  that 
they  were  humble  and  grateful  citizens  of  their  chosen  homeland,  and  dedicated  servants 
of  his  illustrious  majesty. 

In  August,  1848,  the  Molotschna  Mennonites  presented  Czar  Nicholas  I,  through 
his  officials,  with  130  excellent  horses  as  an  expression  of  their  allegiance  to  the  crown. 


* 


* 


* 


A  letter  was  directed  to  Baron  Fedor  von  Rosen,  chairman  of  the  committee 
responsible  for  foreign  settlers  [the  Guardians  Committee]  in  South  Russia.  It  read  as 
follows  [translated  from  Russian  to  German  to  English] : 

“In  the  present  unhappy  and  serious  time,  where  in  all  countries  with  the  exception 
of  Russia  the  subjects  have  revolted  against  their  legally  constituted  governments,  and 
during  which  time  the  enemy  of  all  good  and  orderly  things  is  showing  his  might,  we  feel 
it  necessary  to  let  our  attachment  to  Crown,  Fatherland  and  to  law  and  order,  be  known. 

We  know  with  which  efforts  and  great  sacrifice  his  Majesty  the  Czar,  our  most 
gracious  national  father  tries  to  keep  the  destructive  elements  and  disturbers  of  the  peace 


30 


outside  of  our  borders,  in  order  to  assure  us  security  and  peace.  Acknowledging  the  sincere 
and  deep  felt  wish  of  many  of  our  brothers,  we  have,  totally  as  a  free-will  offering,  collected 
from  each  as  their  own  desires  directed,  in  recognition  of  the  above  mentioned  sentiments. 
The  Mennonites  of  the  Molotschna  district  therefore  wish  to  make  a  gift  of  1 30  excellent 
and  useful  horses. 

Recognizing  that  the  actual  number  is  relatively  small,  we  none-the-less... humbly 
ask  your  excellency  to  accept  this  small  and  insignificant  gift  as  a  symbol  of  our  steadfast 
belief  in  the  legally  constituted  order,  and  as  proof  of  our  dedication  to  the  Crown  and  our 
Fatherland,  also  as  a  sign  of  our  deepest  thanks  for  the  protection  and  many  other  benefits 
we  have,  through  your  mercy  received... 

The  Lord  our  God  allow  that  we  and  our  descendants  may  long  live  under  such 
protection  within  the  borders  of  Russia.” 

The  letter  was  dated  August  16,  1848,  and  was  signed  by  Elders  Bernhard  Fast, 
Benjamin  Ratzlaff,  Peter  Wedel,  Abraham  Friesen,  Heinrich  Toews  and  Dirk  Warkentin, 
as  well  as  District  Chairman  Abraham  Toews  and  district  representatives  Braun  and 
Neufeld. 


* 


* 


* 


Through  His  Excellency  Baron  von  Rosen  the  gift  of  130  horses  and  the 
accompanying  letter  were  accepted.  A  letter  of  thanks,  assuring  the  Mennonites  of  the 
gratitude  of  the  Czar  was  written  by  Count  P.  D.  Kiselyov,  Director  of  the  First  Department 
[Minister  of  State  Domains]. 

“This  letter  of  thanks  is  to  inform  you  of  the  extreme  thankfulness  of  his  Majesty 
the  Czar.  May  this  expression  of  best  wishes  be  an  example  to  you  and  you  descendants 
of  the  beneficence  of  his  Royal  Majesty  to  those  who  are  his  faithful  servants...” 


Sources: 

Announcement,  Obrigkeitliche  Anerkennung,  Unterhaltungsblatt,  April  1848,  p  25 
Dmytryshyn,  Basil,  A  History  of  Russia,  Prentice-Hall  Inc.,  Englewood  Cliffs,  USA,  1977, 
pp  358-359 

Isaac,  Franz,  Die  Molotschnaer  Mennoniten,  H.  J.  Braun,  Halbstadt,  Russia,  1908,  pp  23-25 
Letter,  Unterhaltungsblatt,  November  1848,  pp  81,  82 

Seton- Watson,  Hugh,  The  Russian  Empire  1801-1917,  Oxford  at  the  Clarendon  Press,  1967, 
pp  311-319 


31 


9.  BIRTH  OF  THE  MENNONITE  BRETHREN 
CHURCH 
JANUARY  6, 1860 


Having  left  the  confining  spirit  and  constrictions  of  the  Vistula  Delta,  the 
Mennonites  had  an  opportunity  to  build  their  own  ideal  society  on  the  broad  steppes  of 
South  Russia.  Being  human  beings,  they  unfortunately  drifted  into  religious  decline,  dead 
orthodoxy  and  a  spirit  of  secularism  and  worldliness. 

There  were  a  number  of  attempts  at  renewal;  the  Kleine  Gemeinde,  starting  with 
Bible  studies  in  the  homes  in  1812,  finally  achieved  full  recognition  in  1843.  This  group 
emphasized  the  return  to  the  concepts  of  the  Bible  and  the  early  Anabaptists,  particularly 
criticizing  lax  church  discipline. 

The  Ohrloff  Mennonite  Church,  under  the  progressive  leadership  of  Elder  Bernhard 
Fast,  brought  new  vision  to  the  region.  A  Vereinsschale  [private  school]  was  established 
in  Ohrloff  in  1 820  through  the  influence  of  Johann  Comies.  The  first  teacher  was  Tobias 
Voth,  a  gifted  man  who  was  also  concerned  about  the  spiritual  life  of  the  community.  He 
organized  a  literary  society  [Lesevereiri]  and  sponsored  mission  circles. 

In  the  1 840s  and  1 850s  the  Gnadenfeld  congregation  became  the  centre  of  spiritual 
renewal  in  the  Molotschna.  A  group  of  Mennonites  led  by  Wilhelm  Lange  migrated  from 
Brandenburg  in  Prussia  to  establish  the  village  of  Gnadenfeld  in  1835.  There  was  active 
participation  in  two  Sunday  services,  there  were  midweek  meetings,  mission  festivals  and 
home  Bible  studies.  The  church  produced  and  distributed  tracts  renouncing  drinking. 
August  Lenzmann  was  ordained  elder  of  the  congregation  in  1854.  He  was  cautious  and 
conservative  by  nature,  but  certainly  well  meaning,  and  thought  of  as  humble,  and  basing 
his  faith  and  hope  on  Jesus  Christ.  At  first  he  seemed  sympathetic  to  those  wishing  reform, 
though  later  he  became  a  staunch  foe. 

A  strong  influence  on  the  Mennonites  in  South  Russia  in  the  mid  nineteenth  century 
was  Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest,  a  pietistic  pastor  of  a  Lutheran  church  in  Neuhoffnung,  a  village 
near  Berdyansk.  He  was  bom  in  Wuerttemberg,  and  studied  in  Stuttgart  and  Tuebingen. 
After  graduation,  while  already  an  assistant  pastor  he  came  to  understand  that  he  needed 
genuine  forgiveness  of  sins  and  assurance  of  salvation.  This  became  his  message.  He 
developed  into  a  powerful,  zealous  speaker.  In  1845  Wuest  was  invited  to  be  the  pastor 
at  Neuhoffnung.  Presenting  “Jesus  Christ,  the  Crucified”  was  his  central  theme  as  he 
preached  to  his  own  members,  and  soon  well  beyond  the  confines  of  his  own  congregation. 
In  1 846  he  was  invited  to  speak  at  a  missions  festival  in  Gnadenfeld,  beginning  a  time  of 
frequent  involvement  at  festivals  and  other  meetings  especially  in  the  Molotschna  Colony. 

Apparently  Wuest’ s  popularity  aroused  envy  among  the  surrounding  Lutheran 
pastors  and  the  elders  of  the  Mennonite  churches,  so  that  he  was  forbidden  to  preach  from 
many  of  the  pulpits.  However,  he  continued  to  play  a  part  in  devotional  meetings  where 
he  did  not  preach,  but  freely  responded  to  questions.  Jakob  Reimer,  a  prominent  leader  in 
the  early  Memionite  Brethren  Church,  commented  that  the  purpose  of  these  meetings 
was  “to  exhort  each  other  to  walk  and  work  worthy  of  our  position  as  members  of  the  body 


32 


of  Christ.”  Wuest  died  prematurely  on  July  13,  1859.  Some  who  disagreed  with  him 
interpreted  this  as  a  judgement  of  God,  while  his  friends  felt  it  was  a  deliverance  from 
tribulation. 

While  Wuest  had  inspired  many,  not  everything  was  ideal.  He  had,  for  example, 
continued  with  infant  baptism,  and  for  communion  had  not  separated  true  believers  from 
apostate  members.  A  certain  Kappes,  formerly  teacher  in  the  Mariupol  area,  led  a  group 
who  felt  that  Wuest  did  not  take  “joyous  justification”  far  enough.  They  considered  the 
Bible  to  be  their  only  guide,  and  strongly  emphasized  the  emotional  life,  particularly 
“Christianjoy.”  At  a  missions  festival  held  in  Rosenfeld  in  1 858,  Kappes  and  his  followers 
walked  out  of  the  meeting,  singing  and  shouting,  in  protest  against  Wuesf  s  more  moderate 
position.  Mennonites  such  as  Johann  Claassen,  Jakob  Reimer,  Jakob  Becker  and  Wilhelm 
Bartel  initially  participated  in  some  of  the  meetings,  which  consisted  largely  of  Bible  study 
and  singing.  Claassen  and  Reimer  soon  noted  some  imbalance  in  the  emphasis,  but 
Wilhelm  Bartel  later  took  this  tendency  into  the  fledgling  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 

Fellowship  meetings  and  Bible  studies  continued  in  a  number  of  Molotschna 
Mennonite  villages.  With  numerous  conversions,  and  a  search  for  deeper  life,  more 
frequent  communion,  administered  by  an  elder,  seemed  to  be  the  natural  progression. 
According  to  Jakob  Reimer  “As  our  fellowship  based  itself  more  and  more  upon  the  Word 
of  God,  there  arose  among  us  the  desire  to  observe  the  Lord’s  Supper  more  frequently  and 
so  we  asked  our  Elder  Lenzmann  to  break  the  bread  more  often  for  us  -  also  in  our  private 
homes,  according  to  Acts  2:46-47.”  Lenzmann  denied  the  request,  later  stating  that  such 
a  request  was  without  historical  precedent,  it  would  foster  spiritual  pride  and  could  cause 
disunity  in  the  church.  Having  asked  the  elder  for  this  concession  does  show  that  the  initial 
objective  of  those  concerned  was  not  separation. 

Without  the  consent  of  Elder  Lenzmann  a  group  of  believers  met  and  had 
communion  in  late  November,  1859,  in  Elisabetthal  in  the  home  of  Komelius  Wiens. 
Abraham  Comelsen,  a  school  teacher,  was  in  charge  of  the  proceedings,  which  were  carried 
out  according  to  the  principles  outlined  by  Paul  in  1  Corinthians  1 1 .  Several  members  of 
the  Flemish  Church  were  present,  and  six  members  of  the  Gnadenfeld  church. 

When  news  of  the  event  spread,  it  caused  consternation  and  considerable 
displeasure.  Those  who  were  members  of  the  Flemish  Church  were  immediately  put  under 
the  ban.  The  six  Gnadenfeld  members  appeared  before  the  ministers  of  the  church,  were 
reproved,  and  asked  to  promise  that  “they  would  submit  to  all  things  not  contrary  to  the 
Word  of  God  and  their  conscience.” 

It  is  quite  possible  that  this  would  have  been  the  end  of  the  episode  if  it  had  not  been 
for  an  extremely  critical  and  quite  vocal  element  in  the  Gnadenfeld  church.  At  membership 
meetings  held  on  December  19  and  27,  1859,  the  whole  new  movement,  and  particularly 
Jakob  Reimer  and  Johann  Claassen  were  attacked.  The  December  27  meeting  was 
particularly  stormy,  with  some  members  shouting  “Away  with  them,  they  are  no  better  than 
the  others.”  Jakob  Reimer  slowly  walked  up  to  the  front,  and  asked  Elder  Lenzmann  if  he 
could  leave.  Lenzmann  reluctantly  gave  his  consent.  Both  Reimer  and  Claassen  prepared 
to  leave  the  meeting,  but  they  were  challenged  by  Heinrich  Franz,  who  earlier  had  been  in 
conflict  with  Claassen  regarding  school  matters.  Addressing  Claassen  he  said  “You  are 


33 


otherwise  such  a  courageous  man;  why  don’t  you  call  on  your  associates  to  follow  you?” 
Claassen  turned  and  said  “Well  brethren,  whoever  is  like-minded,  come  along.”  About  ten 
brethren  arose  and  left  the  meeting  with  Reimer  and  Claassen. 


The  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church,  where  the  meetings  of 
December  19  and  27,  1859  would  have  been  held 


After  consulting  with  others,  Claassen  asked  Comelsen  to  write  a  letter  of  secession, 
he  himself  would  call  a  meeting  of  the  brethren. 


* 


* 


* 


The  meeting  called  by  Claassen  was  held  on  Epiphany,  January  6, 1 860,  in  the  home 
of  Isaak  Koop  in  Elisabetthal.  Comelsen’ s  letter  was  scmtinized  carefully,  and  accepted 
as  the  basis  for  further  action.  The  entire  afternoon  and  on  into  the  evening  was  spent  in 
prayer,  after  which  the  document  was  circulated  for  voluntary  signatures.  Eighteen  heads 
of  families  signed  that  day,  another  nine  on  January  1 8. 

The  document,  basically  a  letter  to  the  elders  of  the  Molotschna  Mennonite  Church, 
is  not  a  true  complete  confession  of  faith,  rather  an  outline  of  the  causes  of  secession.  A 
brief  summary  of  the  contents  is: 

[a]  We  have,  by  the  grace  of  God,  recognized  the  decadent  condition  of  the  Mennonite 

Brotherhood,  and  can  for  God’s  and  conscience  sake  no  longer  continue  therein... 

[b]  We  herewith  completely  dissociate  ourselves  from  the  decadent  churches... 

[c]  We  speak  here  of  the  entire  Mennonite  Brotherhood,  because  the  supreme  government 

authorities  consider  it  one  true  brotherhood 

[d]  ...we  are,  according  to  our  conviction  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in  agreement  with  our 

dear  Menno 

[e]  We  confess  a  baptism  on  faith 

[f]  ...communion... serves  to  strengthen  the  faith  of  true  believers... not  as  a  sign  of  the 


34 


fellowship  of  believers  and  unbelievers... 

[g]  ...footwashing.. .to  be  practiced  among  one  another 

[h]  Teachers  may  be  called  in  two  scriptural  ways.. .by  God  alone. ..Others  are  called 

through  the  instrumentality  of  true  believers 

[i]  ...all  carnal  and  reprobate  sinners  must  be  banned  from  the  fellowship 

0]  In  all  other  articles  of  confession,  we  are  in  full  agreement  with  Menno  Simons 

In  a  footnote  the  Mennonite  elders  were  informed  that  if  they  wished  to 
communicate  with  the  group,  Abraham  Comelsen,  Isaak  Koop  and  Johann  Claassen  were 
appointed  as  representatives. 

Separation  of  church  and  state  became  a  casualty  in  the  reaction  to  this  document. 
The  Molotschna  elders  met  in  Alexanderwohl  on  January  1 8, 1 860.  David  Friesen,  colony 
Oberschulze  was  also  invited.  Five  of  the  six  elders,  likely  at  the  strong  suggestion  of 
Friesen,  insisted  that  the  seceding  members  be  turned  over  to  the  district  court  for 
disciplining.  Only  Bernhard  Fast  of  the  Ohrloff-Halbstadt  church  objected.  The  feeling  of 
the  majority  was  that  an  independent  church  could  not  be  tolerated,  and  the  colony 
administration  should  dissuade  the  dissidents  from  their  erroneous  ways.  It  was  later 
explained  that  the  elders  had  already  exhausted  all  means  to  cajole  the  erring  members  with 
“love  and  earnestness,”  a  blatant  misrepresentation,  since  there  had  been  insufficient  time 
to  even  begin  such  negotiations. 

The  reaction  of  the  colony  administration  was  swift;  David  Friesen,  who  had  no 
sympathy  for  the  dissidents,  demanded  an  explanation  from  the  three  representatives.  They 
explained  that  they  would  have  preferred  to  stay  in  their  own  congregations,  but  since  their 
ministers  were  not  acting  in  accordance  with  God’s  word,  felt,  for  conscience  sake,  that  it 
was  necessary  to  form  their  own  church.  Friesen  obviously  disagreed,  since  four  days  later, 
on  January  27,  a  letter  went  out  to  village  offices  prohibiting  all  religious  gatherings  -  using 
a  provision  of  the  law  meant  to  curb  secrete  societies  and  political  agitation.  When 
intimidation  did  not  work  the  three  representatives  were  ordered  to  appear  before  Inspector 
Andrea,  a  member  of  the  Fuersorgekomitee  in  Odessa. 

Thus  began  a  long  and  frustrating  process  of  obtaining  recognition  as  a  separate 
church,  yet  within  the  Mennonite  fold,  with  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Mennonites. 
This  involved  negotiations  with  government  officials  in  St.  Petersburg,  Johann  Claassen 
spending  much  time  and  effort  in  the  capital  city,  but  also  continued  discussion  with  various 
leaders  in  the  Molotschna.  While  receiving  verbal  assurance  of  support  by  the  Czar  in 
March  of  1862,  confirmation  of  full  religious  and  civil  privileges  for  the  Mennonite 
Brethren  did  not  come  until  May  30,  1866.  In  the  meantime,  some  felt  that  a  tenable 
solution  for  the  Mennonite  Brethren  was  to  settle  elsewhere.  “Heinrich  Huebert  and 
Associates”  received  permission  to  establish  a  settlement  in  the  Caucasus  area  in  the  Kuban. 
On  a  tract  of  6,500  dessiatines  two  villages  were  established,  first  Wohldemfuerst,  then 
later  Alexanderfeld.  Substantial  numbers  of  Mennonite  Brethren,  however,  still  remained 
in  the  Molotschna  and  Chortitza  colonies. 

Eventually,  although  very  grudgingly,  the  Mennonite  Brethren  obtained  full 
recognition  by,  though  certainly  not  the  support  of,  the  five  Molotschna  Mennonite  elders 
who  had  initially  opposed  them. 


35 


Sources: 

Bekker,  Jacob  P.,  Origin  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  Translation  by  D.  E.  Pauls  and 
A.  E.  Janzen,  The  Mennonite  Brethren  Historical  Society  of  the  Midwest,  1973, 
pp  17-185 

Friesen,  P.  M„  pp  173-221 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  19,  119 

Smith,  C.  Henry,  Smith 's  Story  of  the  Mennonites,  Fifth  Edition,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton, 
USA,  1981,  pp  277-282 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  26-46 


Background  Information: 

Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest 
Elder  August  Lenzmann 
Johann  Claassen 
Jakob  Reimer 

Spelling  of  names  in  the  various  historical  documents  is  not  consistent. 

‘"Becker"  is  the  spelling  chosen  by  historian  J.  A.  Toews,  but  Jakob  P.  Becker  also  spelled 
his  name  Boecker  and  Bekker.  His  brother  Benjamin  seemed  to  favour  Bekker 

Johann  Claassen's  father  spelled  his  name  Klaassen.  Elizabeth  Suderman  Klassen,  in  her 
biography  of  Johann,  uses  the  spelling  “Claassen,"  which  he  himself  used  at  the  signing 
of  the  “  letter  of  secession." 


36 


PFARRER  EDUARD  WUEST 

[1818  -  1859] 


Eduard  Hugo  Otto  Wuest  was  bom  in  Murrhardt,  Wuerttemberg,  Germany  on  February  23 , 
1818.  He  was  the  son  of  Johann  Jacob  and  Katharina  Friederike  Wuest,  his  father  being  an 
innkeeper  and  baker.  Eduard  was  the  youngest  of  five  children,  having  three  brothers  and  one 
sister.  At  the  age  of  seven  he  prayed  on  his  knees  for  the  first  time,  together  with  his  sister  at  the 
bedside  of  their  sick  father.  When  his  father  died  Eduard’ s  eldest  brother,  together  with  his  mother 
tried  to  continue  on  with  the  family  business.  Early  on  his  mother  determined  that  he  should  enter 
the  ministry,  in  preparation  for  which  he  went  to  the  Latin  school  in  Murrhardt. 

From  1832  to  1835  he  attended  the  Gymnasium  in  Stuttgart.  At  first  he  studied  hard,  and 
prayed  regularly,  especially  that  he  would  be  accepted  into  the  seminary  at  Tuebingen,  with  good 
enough  marks  to  go  at  government  expense.  Unfortunately  he  soon  came  into  bad  company,  and 
with  his  friends  led  a  rather  irresponsible  life,  where  little  was  learned.  When  he  was  examined 
after  three  years  he  did  not  qualify  for  the  scholarship.  His  family  nonetheless  sent  him  to 
Tuebingen,  feeling  that  they  did  not  wish  to  waste  the  funds  they  had  already  invested  in  his 
education.  So  he  went  to  seminary  in  1835. 

Any  hopes,  however,  that  his  behaviour  would  improve  in  Tuebingen  were  disappointed. 
Opportunities  to  avoid  studies  abounded,  Eduard  occupying  himself  with  riding  and  travelling, 
drinking  and  playing.  When  the  eldest  Wuest  son  and  daughter  married,  the  mother  was  forced  to 

give  up  the  family  business.  Eduard  had  to  return 
home  because  of  lack  of  funds,  without  having  written 
his  examinations.  He  was  initially  taken  in  by  his 
brother,  who  was  Pfarrer  in  Mergentheim,  then  turned 
over  to  a  Pfarrer  Biermann  in  Elgersheim,  under  whose 
auspices  he  actually  did  some  studying. 

Early  in  1841  Eduard  was  called  to  Tuebingen 
for  his  theological  examinations.  Although  his 
preparation  was  poor,  he  unexpectedly  passed.  The 
Biermann  household  had  a  serious  Christian 
atmosphere,  and  before  departing  for  his  examinations 
the  Pfarrer,  among  other  advice,  suggested  that  Eduard 
pray.  This  he  did,  for  the  first  time  in  six  years. 

After  passing  his  examinations  he  did  not 
immediately  receive  a  posting,  so  he  stayed  with  his 
brother  in  Mergentheim.  In  the  autumn  of  1841  Wuest 
was  offered  a  position  as  assistant  Pfarrer  in 
Neunkirchen,  near  Mergentheim.  Here  his  life 
underwent  a  complete  change;  he  devoted  time  and 
effort  to  serious  study  and  to  preparation  of  sermons. 
He  actively  participated  in  the  associated  school, 
counselled  the  healthy,  and  visited  the  sick.  In  the 
autumn  of  1843  he  became  assistant  in  his  home  town 
of  Murrhardt,  where  he  began  associating  with  Pietists  from  Wuerttemburg.  In  1844  he  was 
appointed  assistant  minister  at  Rietenau,  near  Backnang.  That  same  year  he  came  to  experience, 
through  grace,  forgiveness  of  sins  and  assurance  of  salvation.  This,  of  course,  directly  affected  his 


Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest  [1818-1859] 


37 


message.  He  developed  into  a  fiery  preacher,  espousing  repentance  and  God’s  free  grace,  and 
deploring  the  lifestyle  which  had  earlier  harmed  his  own  life.  His  pietistic  zeal  and  his  opposition 
to  some  practices  of  the  church,  together  with  his  willingness  to  counsel  and  preach  well  beyond 
the  specific  borders  of  his  parish,  led  to  dismissal  from  his  position  at  Rietenau.  He  moved  to  his 
mother’s  home  in  Stuttgart,  and  continued  to  serve  in  Pietistic  circles  of  the  region.  He  met  a 
Methodist  minister,  Wilhelm  Nast  from  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  and  for  a  time  considered  emigrating  to 
the  United  States. 

Some  of  the  Pietists  from  Wuerttemberg  had  moved  to  Ukraine  in  1816  -  1822,  settling 
north  of  the  Sea  of  Azov,  along  the  Berda  River.  They  established  the  villages  of  Neuhoffhung, 
Neuhoffhungstal,  Neustuttgart  and  Rosenfeld.  In  January  of  1 845  the  Neuhoffnung  congregation, 
a  separatist  Lutheran  brotherhood,  invited  Wuest  to  be  pastor,  and  he  accepted.  After  some  delays 
and  an  arduous  trip  he  delivered  his  inaugural  sermon  on  September  28,  1 845.  He  presented  Jesus 
Christ  the  crucified,  and  emphasized  repentance,  with  a  personal  commitment  to  the  truth.  The 
church  was  packed.  Among  the  many  listeners  were  a  number  of  Mennonites;  they  were  impressed 
by  Wuest’s  scriptural  and  authoritative  preaching. 

Wuest  was  in  many  ways  a  very  talented  man.  He  was  tall  and  imposing,  and  quite 
corpulent.  He  had  a  resonant,  booming  voice.  He  was  friendly,  and  those  who  dealt  with  him 
generally  liked  him.  To  his  parishioners  he  was  not  the  high  and  mighty  Pfarrer,  but  a  brother 
among  brothers.  His  sermons  were  fiery  and  lively,  he  often  spoke  loudly  and  pounded  on  the 
pulpit.  He  used  stories  in  his  sermons,  and  at  times  asked  the  congregation  to  sing  a  verse  or  two 
of  a  hymn.  He  frequently  used  humour,  and  was  a  master  at  getting  the  immediate  attention  of  the 
listener. 

When  Wuest  travelled  to  Russia  he  was  already  engaged  to  a  young  lady  from  Stuttgart, 
Pauline  Liesching.  She  followed  Eduard  to  Russia  in  1 847,  after  which  the  couple  was  married. 
Pauline  was  a  pious  woman,  very  much  of  the  mindset  of  her  husband.  It  was  after  her  arrival  that 
the  congregation  sang  in  four  part  harmony,  and  mixed  voice  choirs  were  established.  The  couple 
had  one  child,  a  boy,  who  died  at  an  early  age.  Pauline,  even  to  her  last  days,  defended  the  efforts 
of  her  husband.  Despite  being  sickly  for  years,  she  died  at  a  ripe  old  age,  on  Decemberl3,  1902. 

The  powerful  Christian  convictions  of  Wuest  made  either  good  friends  or  strong  enemies 
of  those  who  came  in  contact  with  him.  He  exerted  a  strong  influence  on  the  surrounding 
Mennonites,  particularly  in  the  neighbouring  Molotschna  Colony,  and  those  living  in  Berdyansk. 
As  early  as  1 846,  and  a  number  of  times  subsequently,  he  was  invited  to  speak  at  missions  festivals 
in  Gnadenfeld.  These  festivals  drew  not  only  the  Gnadenfeld  congregation,  but  also  concerned 
individuals  from  throughout  the  Molotschna.  He  was  also  involved  in  less  formal  meetings  at  the 
homes  of  Molotschna  Mennonites  on  Saturday  afternoons,  of  Berdyansk  Mennonites  on  Saturday 
nights,  where  his  contribution  was  devotional  addresses  and  Bible  exposition.  His  friends  included 
Jakob  Buhler  and  Leonhard  Sudermann  of  Berdyansk,  August  Lenzmann  and  Friedrich  Lange  of 
Gnadenfeld  and  Abraham  Matthies  of  Rudnerweide.  Johann  Claassen,  Jakob  Reimer  and  Jakob 
Becker,  later  key  figures  in  the  establishment  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  attended  many 
of  his  meetings.  Becker  reported  that  some  people  came  to  hear  Wuest  out  of  curiosity,  but  often 
left  the  meetings  asking  the  question  “What  must  I  do  to  be  saved?” 

Wuest  was  also  invited  to  speak  in  surrounding  Lutheran  churches  such  as  Grunau,  and 
even  ministered  in  Catholic  constituencies  near  Mariupol.  In  1849  he  made  an  extensive  trip, 
preaching  in  Kharkov,  St.  Petersburg  and  Reval.  On  at  least  one  occasion  he  visited  the  Crimea. 

But  Wuest’s  powerful  and  very  specific  preaching,  as  well  as  his  popularity  with  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  congregations  also  aroused  some  opposition,  perhaps  fuelled  to  a  considerable 
degree  by  envy.  In  time  Wuest  was  barred  from  preaching  from  the  pulpits  of  the  neighbouring 
Lutheran  and  Mennonite  churches  as  well  as  in  private  homes.  This,  however,  did  not  stop  him 


38 


from  participating  in  the  more  unofficial  devotional  meetings,  where  he  did  not  preach,  but  could 
certainly  answer  questions. 

A  group  within  Wuest’s  own  congregation  at  Neuhoffnung  exploited  his  emphasis  on  full 
and  free  grace.  Leader  of  this  group  was  a  former  teacher  from  the  Mariupol  area  named  Kappes, 
although  there  were  also  others,  such  as  Joseph  Hottmann.  At  a  missions  festival  held  in  Rosenfeld 
in  1 858  Kappes  led  his  group  out  of  the  meeting,  singing  and  shouting,  in  protest  against  Wuest’s 
more  moderate  position.  Kappes  and  his  group  withdrew  from  membership  in  the  Neuhoffnung 
chinch  in  1858.  This  group  influenced  some  of  the  Mennonites  who  later  became  founders  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  and  particularly  through  Wilhelm  Bartel  seem  to  have  contributed  to 
the  early  emotional  excesses  practiced  by  the  Brethren. 

Wuest  was  not  a  man  with  a  profound  and  completely  defined  theology.  Abraham  Kroeker 
felt  that  his  message  regarding  repentance  and  salvation  was  well  presented  ,  but  that  other 
scriptural  truths  were  neglected.  In  his  own  congregation  he  definitely  preached  who  was  and  who 
was  not  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  but  for  the  communion  table  he  did  not  distinguish  between 
believers  and  unbelievers.  Like  Luther,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  reject  child  baptism.  Elder 
August  Lenzmann  of  the  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church  summed  up  his  impressions  “Pfarrer 
Wuest  was  undoubtedly  a  very  talented,  exceptional  and  blessed  weapon  in  the  hands  of  God... to 
the  glory  of  God  I  acknowledge  the  memories  of  our  brotherly  fellowship.”  He  did  lament  that 
Wuest  had  gone  overboard  on  “the  free  grace  of  God  in  Christ,”  feeling  that  it  may  not  have  been 
the  best  nourishment  for  the  uninitiated  masses.  There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  Wuest  played  a 
significant  role  in  the  revival  movement  among  the  Mennonites  in  the  mid  nineteenth  century, 
specifically  influencing  those  who  would  later  found  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  in  1860,  and 
those  who  led  the  Templar  movement  a  few  years  later. 

Wuest  was  aware  of  some  of  his  own  shortcomings,  but  was  nonetheless  disappointed  in 
the  reactions  of  many  of  his  colleagues.  In  the  autumn  of  1858  he  became  ill,  and  in  the  spring  of 
1 859  he  took  to  his  bed.  His  wife  later  reported  that  he  had  serious  struggles,  but  eventually,  in  the 
last  few  days,  was  able  to  have  a  sense  of  victory  and  joy.  Eduard  Wuest  died  on  July  13,  1 859  at 
the  age  of  41  years.  His  funeral  was  held  the  following  Sunday,  and  was  attended  by  a  large 
number  of  Swabians,  Russians  and  Mennonites,  many  travelling  great  distances.  He  was  buried 
in  the  Neuhoffnung  cemetery. 

The  opponents  of  Wuest  attributed  his  premature  death  to  the  judgement  of  God,  his  friends 
considered  it  to  be  deliverance  from  tribulation.  Writer  and  publisher  Abraham  Kroeker 
commented  “His  memorial  is  the  blessing  he  has  been,  and  his  work  will  not  vanish.  We  thank  the 
Lord,  who  brought  him  to  Russia  in  such  a  wonderful  way." 

Sources: 

Brandenburg,  Hans,  Eduard  Wuest:  Ein  Bote  Korntals  in  Suedrussland,  Evangelischer 
Missionsverlag  GmbH,  Stuttgart,  Germany,  1955,  pp  1-16 

Doerksen,  Victor  G.  Eduard  Wuest  and  Jerusalem,  Mennonite  Quarterly  Review,  April  1982 
pp  169-178 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  168-186 

Kroeker,  A.  Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest:  der  grosse  Erweckungsprediger  in  den  deutschen  Kolonien 
Suedrusslands,  Selbstverlag,  Spat  near  Simferopol,  Russia,  1903,  pp  1-116 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  29-32 

Mennonites  traditionally  called  Eduard  Wuest  “Pfarrer.”  In  Wuerttemberg  he  was  an  assistant 

only;  whether  or  not  he  was  actually  called  a  “Pfarrer”  in  Neuhoffiiung  is  not  certain. 


39 


ELDER  AUGUST  LENZMANN 

[1823  -  1877] 


August  Lenzmann  was  bom  January  29, 1 823 ,  in  Brenkenhofswalde,  Prussia.  His  parents 
were  originally  Lutheran,  but  they,  together  with  some  others,  joined  the  local  Mennonite  church. 
The  local  pastor  was  Wilhelm  Lange.  The  Lenzmann  family  joined  the  migration  when  the  group 
settled  in  the  Molotschna,  founding  the  village  of  Gnadenfeld.  August’s  teacher,  both  in 
Brenkenhofswalde  and  later  in  Gnadenfeld  was  Heinrich  Franz. 

August  was  baptized  on  May  27,  1837.  He  was  elected  minister  in  185 1,  chosen  as  elder 
by  a  large  majority  in  May  of  1854,  then  ordained  by  Elder  Bernhard  Fast  of  the  Ohrloff 
congregation  in  September.  Fast  considered  Lenzmann  to  have  been  a  pious,  humble  brother,  who 
based  his  faith  and  hope  on  Jesus  Christ.  Lenzmann  and  Nikolai  Schmidt,  together  with  others  such 
as  Johann  Claassen,  were  sponsors  of  a  Bruderschule  [Brotherhood  School]  which  was  founded 
in  Gnadenfeld  in  1857.  This  allowed  education  beyond  the  primary  village  school,  and  in  1859 
acquired  the  right  to  train  teachers. 

Initially  the  church  had  met  in  the  village  school,  but  in  1854,  the  year  Lenzmann  was 
ordained  as  elder,  the  congregation  moved  into  a  new  sanctuary. 

When  the  winds  of  revival  and  reform  began  to  blow  in  Gnadenfeld,  Lenzmann  seemed  at 
first  to  be  favourably  disposed  to  renewal  of  life  in  the  church.  He  was  a  friend  of  Eduard  Wuest. 
In  a  note  penned  in  1 863  he  could  say  “Pfarrer  Wuest  was  undoubtedly  a  very  talented,  exceptional 
and  blessed  weapon  in  the  hands  of  God.,  .to  the  glory  of  God  I  acknowledge  the  memories  of  our 
brotherly  fellowship...”  He  did  lament  that  Wuest  went  overboard  on  “the  free  grace  of  God  in 
Christ,”  feeling  that  it  may  not  have  been  the  best  nourishment  for  the  uninitiated  masses. 

Those  in  the  Gnadenfeld  congregation  who  were 
agitating  for  reform,  such  as  Johann  Claassen  and  Jacob 
Reimer,  thought  well  enough  of  Lenzmann  to  ask  him  to 
administer  additional  communion  in  their  private  homes.  He 
denied  the  request,  later  stating  that  he  considered  such  a 
request  to  be  without  historical  precedent,  that  it  would  foster 
a  spirit  of  pride,  and  could  cause  disunity  in  the  church.  The 
latter  fear  turned  out  to  be  well  founded. 

In  late  November,  1859,  a  group  of  believers  met  in 
Elisabetthal  in  the  home  of  Komelius  Wiens.  Without  the 
consent  of  Lenzmann  communion  was  held,  Abraham 
Comelsen  in  charge.  News  of  this  event  spread  rapidly,  and 
the  members  of  the  Flemish  Church  which  had  been  present 
were  immediately  put  under  the  ban.  The  six  Gnadenfeld 
members  were  asked  to  appear  before  the  ministers  of  the 
church,  a  meeting  undoubtedly  chaired  by  Lenzmann.  They 
were  asked  to,  and  consented  to  submit  in  “all  things  not 
contrary  to  the  Word  of  God  and  their  conscience.”  It  appears 
that  the  ministers  and  Lenzmann  would  have  been  satisfied 
with  this  arrangement.  There  was,  however,  an  extremely 
critical  and  vocal  element  in  the  Gnadenfeld  congregation  which  demanded  more  action. 

There  were  two  church  membership  meetings,  on  December  19  and  27,  1859,  chaired  by 
Lenzmann,  in  which  the  matter  of  the  unofficial  communion  was  discussed.  At  the  meeting  of 


'I 


Elder  August  Lenzmann 
[1823-1877] 


40 


December  27  stormy  discussion  came  to  a  climax  when  someone  shouted  “Away  with  them,  they 
are  no  better  than  the  others.”  Jakob  Reimer  slowly  went  to  the  front  of  the  church,  and  asked 
Elder  Lenzmann  if  he  could  leave.  Lenzmann  reluctantly  gave  his  consent.  Jakob  Reimer,  Johann 
Claassen  and  about  ten  others  left  the  meeting.  This  meeting,  likely  as  painful  to  Lenzmann  as  to 
those  who  left,  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  When  the  elders  of  the 
Molotschna  Mennonite  churches  condemned  the  secession  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  at  their 
meeting  in  Alexanderwohl  of  January  18,1 860,  Lenzmann  was  among  the  majority  of  five  to  sign 
the  document. 

Virtually  at  the  same  time  Elder  Lenzmann,  as  one  of  the  leading  elders  in  the  Molotschna 
Colony,  was  involved  in  trying  to  settle  the  Ohrloffer  Gerstenstreit.  This  began  as  a  simple  dispute 
over  a  piece  of  land  which  had  been  rented  to  one  man,  who  had  sowed  barley  [ Gerste ]  on  it.  The 
owner  then  rented  the  land  to  someone  else.  This  resulted  in  accusations  and  counteraccusations 
involving  the  village  authorities  and  the  various  officials  of  the  Ohrloff  church.  Eventually  a  series 
of  meetings  was  held,  beginning  in  1859,  involving  in  particular  Elders  Benjamin  Ratzlaff,  Peter 
Wedel  and  August  Lenzmann.  A  number  of  lengthy  letters  and  reports  to  and  from  the  elders 
travelled  back  and  forth  throughout  1860.  In  late  1860  the  matter  was  turned  over  to  the 
Fuersorgekomitee  in  Odessa  for  resolution. 

Lenzmann  had  further  problems  in  his  own  congregation.  Johann  Lange,  one  of  the 
teachers  at  the  Bruderschule,  held  to  and  spread  the  views  of  the  “Friends  of  Jerusalem”  or 
“Temple”  movement.  Again  there  was  a  long  drawn  out  struggle  with  religious  and  civil 
authorities,  resulting  in  Lange’s  imprisonment  in  Halbstadt  in  1863.  Eventually  20  Mennonites 
signed  a  document  organizing  the  Evangelische  Gemeinde  of  Gnadenfeld,  which  was  the  beginning 
of  the  Templer  church. 

The  two  experiences  of  breakaways  from  his  own  church  seem  to  have  embittered 
Lenzmann.  This  gradually  drove  him  into  the  fold  of  the  sharpest  critics  of  his  former  intimate 
friends,  brothers  with  whom  he  initially  seemed  to  agree.  In  an  attempt  at  reconciliation  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church  sent  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg  to  visit  Lenzmann  early  in  the 
1870s.  Lenzmann  attacked  Schellenberg  on  the  basis  of  his  youth,  and  reminded  him  of  the 
foolish,  even  sinful  behaviour  of  some  of  the  early  Mennonite  Brethren.  He  was  moved  to  tears  of 
anger.  Schellenberg  was  also  moved  to  tears.  He  replied  that  he  himself  had  been  insulted,  and  that 
the  accusations  about  the  church  had  been  dealt  with,  and  did  not  apply  to  the  current  membership. 
Thereupon  Lenzmann  replied  “Then  please  forgive  me,  if  I  unjustly  insulted  you.”  This  was 
followed  by  a  friendly  invitation  for  coffee. 

Little  is  known  of  Lenzmann’ s  private  life,  but  he  did  have  a  son  Hermann  who  became 
a  leading  educator  among  the  Mennonites  of  the  Molotschna.  After  an  illness  of  a  number  of  years 
August  Lenzmann  died  on  July  30,  1877.  Historian  P.  M.  Friesen  was  impressed  by  Lenzmann ’s 
personality,  as  being  honourable  and  trustworthy.  He  considered  him  to  have  been  one  of  the 
leading  elders  of  the  Russian  Mennonite  period. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  171,  173-186,  218,  219,  743 

Isaac,  Franz,  Die  Molotschnaer  Mennoniten,  H.  J.  Braun,  Halbstadt,  Russia,  1908,  pp  123-155 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Toews,  J.  A.  pp  29,  32,  33,  39 


41 


JOHANN  CLAASSEN 

[1820-  1876] 


Johann  Claassen  [Klaassen]  was  bom  in  Ohrlofferfelde,  near  Tiegenhof  in  West  Prussia 
on  July  27,  1820.  His  parents  were  David  and  Aganetha  [Penner]  Klaassen.  His  father  died  in 
Prussia  in  1827.  Very  shortly  thereafter  the  family,  via  covered  wagon,  migrated  to  South  Russia. 
The  Klaassens,  consisting  of  the  mother,  Johann,  and  at  least  two  older  brothers,  settled  on  a 
Kleinwirtschaft  in  the  village  of  Liebenau,  Molotschna.  At  the  age  of  14  Johann  went  to  the 
Halbstadt  Zentralschule,  graduating  at  the  age  of  18.  Several  summers  he  worked  for  Johann 
Comies,  going  on  buying  and  selling  trips  to  Melitopol,  Berdyansk  and  Simferopol.  One  summer 
he  managed  the  sheep  of  Johann  Comies.  A  year  after  graduation  he  and  Cornelius  Reimer  opened 
a  store  in  Liebenau,  Cornelius  was  the  clerk,  Johann  the  wholesaler. 

Johann  was  a  member  of  the  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church,  and  shared  the  excitement 
when  new  spiritual  life  became  evident.  He  was  particularly  enthusiastic  about  the  Lutheran 
Pfarrer  Eduard  Wuest  after  he  arrived  in  1 845,  who  inspired  Lutherans,  but  also  Mennonites  in  the 
area,  especially  in  the  Molotschna.  Johann  was  one  of  those  who  participated  in  the  founding  of 
the  Bruderschule  in  Gnadenfeld  in  1857.  It  was  to  be  a  school  which  would  offer  better  Christian 
training  beyond  the  village  school  level,  with  special  attention  to  gifted  orphans.  Claassen  twice 
travelled  to  St.  Petersburg  to  obtain  recognition  for  the  school  as  a  teacher  training  institution  for 
the  Mennonites. 

There  continued  to  be  agitation,  inspired  in  part  by 
the  preaching  and  teaching  of  Eduard  Wuest,  for  renewal  of 
spiritual  life  in  the  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church.  In  late 
November  of  1859  communion  was  held  in  the  home  of 
Komelius  Wiens  of  Elisabetthal,  with  Abraham  Comelsen  in 
charge.  When  the  elders  heard  of  this  meeting,  the  Flemish 
participants  were  immediately  put  under  the  ban.  The 
Gnadenfeld  members  were  reproved  for  their  conduct,  but 
not  expelled. 

But  this  was  not  enough  for  the  more  critical  element 
of  the  Gnadenfeld  congregation.  At  meetings  held 
December  1 9  and  27,  1 859,  the  whole  new  movement  came 
under  attack.  Although  neither  had  been  at  the  private 
communion  in  question,  Johann  Claassen  and  Jakob  Reimer 
were  singled  out  for  special  scorn.  At  the  December  27 
meeting  some  members  shouted  “Away  with  them,  they  are 
no  better  than  the  others.”  Jakob  Reimer  slowly  walked  up 
to  the  front  and  asked  Elder  Lenzmann  if  he  could  leave. 
Presumably  Johann  Claassen  joined  him  in  this  painful  trek. 
When  it  seemed  that  only  Reimer  and  Claassen  would  leave 
the  meeting,  Heinrich  Franz,  who  had  opposed  Claassen  in  matters  regarding  the  Bruderschule , 
challenged  Claassen  “You  are  otherwise  a  courageous  man;  why  don’t  you  call  on  your  associates 
to  follow  you?”  Claassen  turned  and  said  “Well  brethren,  whoever  is  like  minded,  come  along.” 
About  ten  arose  and  left  the  church. 

After  consultinganumberofpeopleClaassen  called  on  Abraham  Comelsen,  school  teacher 
in  Elisabetthal,  and  the  two  agreed  that  Comelsen  would  write  the  letter  of  secession,  and  Claassen 


Johann  Claassen  [1820-1876] 


42 


would  call  a  brotherhood  meeting  for  Epiphany,  January  6, 1 860.  At  the  meeting  held  in  the  home 
of  Isaak  Koop  of  Elisabetthal  the  letter  of  secession  was  carefully  studied,  and  after  serious  and 
prolonged  prayer  was  signed  by  18  family  heads,  including  Johann  Claassen. 

Johann  Claassen,  Abraham  Comelsen  and  Jakob  Koop  were  chosen  as  deputies  for  the  new 
brotherhood.  The  original  letter  from  the  dissenting  group  had  gone  to  the  elders  of  the  Molotschna 
Mennonite  churches,  but  in  a  meeting  of  January  18,  the  matter  was  turned  over  to  the  colony 
administrator,  David  Friesen.  He  immediately  demanded  an  accounting  from  the  three 
representatives.  Their  explanation  of  the  need  to  form  their  own  church,  because  the  present 
teachers  did  not  act  according  to  the  Word  of  God,  fell  on  deaf  ears.  On  January  27  the  Gebietsamt 
forbade  religious  meetings  by  the  Brethren.  The  three  deputies  were  called  to  the 
Fuersorgekomitee  by  Inspector  Andrea.  There  Claassen,  Comelsen  and  Koop  signed  a  prepared 
statement  on  February  10,  promising  to  refrain  from  further  action  until  they  received  permission 
from  government  authorities.  Even  on  the  way  home  Claassen  realized  that  this  permission  would 
never  be  granted,  and  he  recognized  that  signing  the  document  had  been  a  mistake. 

The  three  brothers  who  had  signed  the  document  for  Inspector  Andrea  did  not  play  an 
active  role  in  the  specific  organization  of  the  church  for  some  time,  to  be  able  to  honestly  fulfill 
their  promise,  but  others  were  not  similarly  restrained.  Johann,  having  made  the  acquaintance  of 
government  officials  in  the  past,  went  to  St.  Petersburg  in  an  attempt  to  obtain  official  sanction  for 
the  new  group.  He  was  afraid  that  his  departure  would  be  hindered  by  the  colony  authorities,  so 
he  left  by  horse,  through  his  back  garden,  at  2  AM  early  on  the  morning  of  March  29. 

Having  achieved  very  little,  Claassen  returned  home  and  advised  the  brethren  to  hold  an 
election,  but  to  exclude  himself  and  the  other  two  representatives.  The  election,  held  in  the  home 
of  Jakob  Reimer  on  May  30,  resulted  in  Heinrich  Huebert  and  Jakob  Becker  being  chosen  to  lead. 
At  the  end  of  November,  1 860,  Johann  returned  to  St.  Petersburg  in  a  further  attempt  to  obtain 
recognition  for  the  brotherhood.  Finally  on  May  15, 1862,  he  presented  a  petition  to  the  Czar,  and 
received  assurance  that  “ecclesiastical  separation  shall  in  no  case  incur  a  loss  of  civil  rights  or 
persecution  by  police  authorities.”  He  hurried  home  with  the  good  news. 

It  had  been  felt  for  some  time  that  it  might  be  better  for  Mennonite  Brethren  to  establish 
their  own  colony.  On  June  30  Johann  turned  right  around,  and  with  five  other  brethren  went  back 
to  St.  Petersburg  to  seek  suitable  land  in  the  Caucasus  region.  He  therefore  became  one  of  the 
founders  of  the  Kuban  settlement.  On  a  tract  of 6,500  dessiatines  the  village  of  Wohldemfuerst  was 
established  in  1863,  although  official  permission  to  settle  was  not  granted  until  March  4,  1864. 
Another  village,  Alexanderfeld,  was  founded  in  1866. 

Some  historians  feel  that  it  was  unfortunate  that  Claassen  did  not  play  a  more  active  role 
in  the  early  years  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren,  first  because  of  the  promise  he  had  signed  ,  then 
because  of  his  prolonged  trips  to  St.  Petersburg.  He  returned  to  the  Molotschna  on  a  number  of 
occasions,  both  from  St.  Petersburg  and  from  the  Kuban  to  help  settle  the  controversy  of  the 
emotional  excesses  of  the  “joyful”  faction.  It  may  not  have  become  a  controversy  if  his  steadying 
hand  had  been  more  readily  available. 

On  July  20,  1865,  he  returned  to  the  Kuban,  where  both  he  and  Heinrich  Huebert  had 
moved.  In  1869  he  was  elected  Oberschulze  of  the  colony.  In  this  capacity  he  travelled  to 
Vladikavkas  in  1 87 1  to  a  reception  of  Czar  Alexander  II.  Later  he  received  a  silver  medal  in  1 872, 
and  a  gold  medal  in  1874.  He  also  received  a  gold  watch  from  the  government  in  recognition  of 
his  services  to  the  colonization  of  Russia. 

Johann  had  married  Katharina  Reimer  [daughter  of  David  Reimer  of  Felsenthal,  sister  of 
Jakob  Reimer,  later  Johann’s  co-worker  in  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church],  the  wedding  being  on 
January  31,  1847.  He  was  26  at  the  time,  she  21  years.  The  Claassen  couple  had  a  total  of  ten 


43 


children,  of  whom  at  least  six  died  in  infancy  or  early  childhood.  David,  bom  in  1855,  lived  to  be 
70,  Maria,  bom  in  1860  reached  the  age  of  16.  Wife  Katharina  died  July  25,  1869  in  the  Kuban 
Colony.  Johann  married  again,  to  Catharina  Schmidt,  on  March  1,  1870.  She  was  1 8  years  of  age 
[he  was  49],  and  bom  in  the  Chortitza  Colony.  The  couple  had  five  additional  children,  only  one 
dying  in  early  childhood,  the  rest  reaching  ages  of  21  to  39. 

Johann  Claassen  died  December  24,  1 876  in  Wohldemfuerst,  Kuban  Colony,  at  the  age  of 
56.  His  second  wife  Catharine  outlived  him  by  38  years,  dying  in  Com,  Oklahoma,  in  1915. 
Historian  P.  M.  Friesen  rated  Johann  Claassen  very'  highly,  considering  him  to  have  been  one  of 
the  great  contributors  to  the  cause  of  the  Mennonites  in  Russia. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M„  pp  293,  297-303,  334-374 

Klassen,  Elizabeth  Suderman,  Trailblazer  for  the  Brethren,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  and 
Kitchener,  Canada,  1978,  pp  13-306 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  19,  119 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  29,  33,  35,  40,  44-49,  52,  53,  55,  56,  59,  60,  62-64,  75,  76,  366 


JAKOB  DAVID  REIMER 

[1817-1891] 


Jakob  David  Reimer  was  bom  on  January  29,  1817,  in  Kronsgarten,  in  the  Ekaterinoslav 
area.  He  was  the  son  of  David  Peter  and  Maria  [Neufeld]  Reimer,  and  the  eldest  of  six  children. 
Katharina,  the  next  oldest,  bom  in  1825,  was  later  wife  of  Johann  Claassen,  and  Cornelius,  bom 
in  1827,  was  also  an  early  Mennonite  Brethren.  In  1 820,  when  Jakob  was  three,  the  family  moved 
to  Felsenthal,  an  estate  which  his  father  developed  as  a  tree  nursery,  along  the  Molochnaya  River. 
He  was  a  close  friend  of  his  teacher  at  Felsenthal,  Heinrich  Franz  I,  and  followed  him  to 
Gnadenfeld  for  one  year,  likely  1835. 

In  Gnadenfeld  Jakob  was  admitted  to  the  Mennonite  Church  by  baptism.  He  would  have 
preferred  the  mode  of  immersion,  rather  than  sprinkling  or  pouring,  having  been  convinced  of  this 
in  1837  by  a  biography  he  read  about  the  life  of  the  famous  missionary,  Ann  Judson.  Jakob  was 
an  active  participating  member  of  the  congregation.  Together  with  Elder  August  Lenzmann, 
Johann  Claassen  and  others  he  was  one  of  the  sponsors  of  the  Bruderschule  which  was  established 
in  Gnadenfeld  in  1857.  He  later  also  sponsored  the  Armenschule. 

Jakob  was  inspired  by  the  revival  preaching  of  Eduard  Wuest  in  the  late  1840s,  and 
promoted  it  on  an  extensive  trip  he  made  throughout  South  Russia  with  Johann  Claassen  and 
Wilhelm  Bartel  in  1853.  He  attended  Missionfests  in  Gnadenfeld  and  Neuhoffnung,  where  Wuest 
often  spoke.  He  was  a  regular  attender  at  Saturday  afternoon  meetings  held  in  Molotschna  homes, 
and  wrote  that  the  purpose  was  “to  strengthen  one  another  in  our  common  faith,  and  to  exhort  each 
other  to  walk  and  work  worthy  of  our  position  as  members  of  the  body  of  Christ.”  These  meetings 
were  often  attended  by  Wuest,  even  after  he  was  banned  from  preaching;  he  could  not  preach,  but 
did  answer  questions.  The  number  of  those  wishing  for  revival  grew,  together  with  the  desire  for 
more  intimate  fellowship .  Reimer  was  among  those  who  requested  that  Elder  Lenzmann  administer 
communion  to  their  group  “as  our  fellowship  based  itself  more  and  more  upon  the  Word  of  God.” 
The  request  was  denied. 

Some  believers  met  in  late  November,  1859,  in  Elisabetthal,  in  the  home  of  Komelius 
Wiens,  and  participated  in  communion,  Abraham  Comelsen  in  charge.  When  news  of  the  event 
spread,  the  six  Flemish  church  members  who  had  participated  were  put  under  the  ban,  the 
Gnadenfeld  members  were  reproved.  However  at  Gnadenfeld  membership  meetings  of  December 
19  and  27,  the  whole  new  movement  was  attacked,  and  even  though  they  had  not  been  present  at 
the  controversial  communion,  Jakob  Reimer  and  Johann  Claassen  came  in  for  particularly  heavy 
criticism.  At  the  December  27  meeting  some  members  shouted  “Away  with  them,  they  are  no 
better  than  the  others.”  Jakob  Reimer  slowly  walked  up  to  the  front  and  asked  Elder  Lenzmann  if 
he  could  leave.  Lenzmann  reluctantly  gave  his  consent.  Eventually  Jakob,  Johann  Claassen  and 
about  ten  others  left  the  meeting. 

As  a  result  of  this  episode  Johann  Claassen  organized  a  meeting  of  the  fellowship  for 
Epiphany,  January  6,  1860,  where  a  letter  of  secession  was  studied,  and  signed  by  those  who 
wished  to.  Claassen  and  17  other  family  heads  signed  this  document,  but  not  Jakob  Reimer.  It  is 
quite  evident,  however,  that  he  was  part  of  the  original  group.  He  was  one  of  the  33  who  signed 
an  explanatory  note  directed  to  the  church  hierarchy  dated  March  19,  1860. 

When,  having  signed  a  document  that  they  would  not  proceed  further  without  government 
consent,  the  three  representatives  of  the  group,  including  Johann  Claassen,  felt  that  they  could  not 
participate  in  church  governance.  But  there  needed  to  be  some  leadership,  so  an  election  was 


45 


called.  It  appears  that  Jakob  Reimer,  perhaps  through  his  association  with  Felsenthal,  was  probably 
quite  wealthy,  and  had  one  of  the  larger  houses  in  Gnadenfeld.  The  election  of  May  30, 1860  was 
held  in  his  house,  and  church  services  were  held  in  his  house  and  Scheune  [machine  shed].  Jakob 
was  among  the  27  brethren  who  cast  ballots  on  the  leadership,  each  person  having  two  votes.  He 
voted  for  Heinrich  Huebert  [who  became  elder,  having  24  votes],  and  Andreas  Voth  [  who  was  not 
chosen,  coming  third  with  1 1  votes].  Some  time  later,  in  1 863,  it  became  evident  that  Jakob  Becker 
[who  was  second  with  16  votes],  could  not  continue,  so  Jakob  Reimer  was  chosen  to  assist  Heinrich 
Huebert. 

A  question  which  was  not  initially  controversial  became  more  and  more  of  an  issue  over 
the  next  few  years.  Jakob  Reimer  had  felt  all  along  since  his  baptism  into  the  Mennonite  Church 
that  immersion  was  the  preferred  form.  This  was  also  the  practice  of  some  of  the  Baptist  churches. 
For  further  research  Jakob  Becker  and  Reimer  discussed  this  mode  with  Minister  Alf,  senior  of  the 
German  Baptist  preachers  in  Russia.  Increasingly,  immersion  became  the  preferred  method  of 
baptism  among  the  Mennonite  Brethren.  On  September  23,  1860,  Jakob  Becker  and  Heinrich 
Bartel  baptized  each  other.  In  the  spring  of  1 86 1  full  immersion  baptism  was  favoured,  with 
Heinrich  Huebert  being  baptized,  then  Jakob  Reimer  on  May  21.  By  1 862  immersion  baptism  was 
considered  to  be  obligatoiy  for  church  membership  and  participation  in  communion.  Because  they 
did  not  agree  with  this  new  development,  four  of  the  original  1 8  who  signed  the  letter  of  secession 
withdrew  from  the  Mennonite  Brethren. 

A  more  distressing  and  damaging  struggle  was  the 
question  of  “ Die  Froehliche  Richtung”[The  Happy  or  Joyful 
Faction].  There  had  been  segments  of  Wuest’s  church  with 
these  leanings,  and  Wilhelm  Bartel  helped  to  introduce  this 
tendency  among  the  Mennonite  Brethren.  In  the  absence  of 
Johann  Claassen  [who  was  in  St.  Petersburg  for  extended 
periods  of  time],  and  with  the  weak  leadership  of  Heinrich 
Huebert,  a  group  led  by  Benjamin  Becker,  Bernhard  Penner  and 
Gerhard  Wieler  became  virtual  dictators.  They  introduced 
joyful  loud  music,  dancing  and  kissing  [both  the  brother  and  the 
sister  kiss],  and  generally  tended  to  be  very  emotional.  Jakob  all 
along  was  very  critical  of  this  group,  and  let  it  be  known.  In  a 
letter  to  Johann  Claassen  he  complained  “I  will  no  longer 
tolerate  the  kind  of  noise  [Laerm]  which  occurred  in  my 
machine  shed  on  Sunday,  May  28. ..I  stay  away  from  the  large 
gatherings  because  I  am  uncomfortable  there... and  am  convinced 
it  is  not  the  Pharisee  that  warns  me  against  such  heathen 
activities,  but  the  Word  of  God.”  The  movement  gathered 
momentum  autumn  1861  to  spring  1862,  then  again  in  1863  and  1864.  The  leaders  of  the 
Froehliche  Richtung  used  the  ban  [excommunication]  as  a  threat,  and  “gave  people  over  to  the 
Devil.”  They  burned  Christian  books  that  they  did  not  agree  with.  Then  they  took  discipline  a  step 
further,  according  to  Reimer  “even  the  non-participation  in  the  expressions  of  joy,  which  developed 
into  formal  dancing,  and  wild  music  with  kettle  drums  was  cause  for  excommunication,  because 
silence  also  preaches.”  It  seems  that  even  Johann  Claassen  at  times  thought  Jakob  was  too  critical 
of  the  movement,  although  in  her  letters  his  own  wife  seemed  to  agree  with  Reimer.  In  December 
of  1 864  Jakob,  his  wife  and  daughter  were  excommunicated  without  a  hearing,  even  Elder  Heinrich 
Huebert  was  set  aside. 

Finally,  enough  was  enough.  Some  of  the  Molotschna  brethren  called  Johann  Claasen  from 


Jakob  Reimer  [1817-1891] 


46 


the  Kuban,  and  together,  for  two  and  a  half  months  [May  4  to  July  20,  1865],  the  situation  was 
discussed.  The  “June  Reform”  was  the  result.  It  condemned  and  rectified  many  of  the  excesses  of 
the  “wild  manifestations  of  joy,”  and  reinstated  Heinrich  Huebert,  Jakob  Reimer  and  others  who 
had  been  wrongfully  excommunicated.  It  was  felt  by  historian  P.  M.  Friesen  that  after  the  work 
of  this  reform  neither  Johann  Claassen  nor  Jakob  Reimer  regained  their  former  influence  within 
the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  He  does  credit  Reimer  with  being  the  one  who  broke  up  the  wave 
of  the  “Hoppers”  [Huepferei],  despite  the  fact  that  the  wave  tried  to,  and  almost  succeeded  in 
destroying  him. 

In  the  meantime  Reimer  had  participated  in  the  exploration  of  the  Kuban  area  in  August 
of  1 862  as  a  potential  colony  site  for  the  Mennonite  Brethren.  On  June  3,  1864  he  and  his  family 
left  for  the  Kuban  on  three  wagons,  arriving  there  on  June  20.  Circumstances  were  very  difficult. 
They  moved  their  belongings  into  a  simlin  [a  sod  hut],  then  started  to  work.  In  a  letter  written  July 
5  it  is  obvious  that  the  Reimers  were  discouraged.  Among  the  difficulties  was  the  feeling  that  his 
relationship  with  Johann  Claassen  was  not  the  best  “...for  he  was  too  domineering.”  September  16 
the  Reimers  packed  up  and  headed  for  home,  arriving  back  October  7,  1864. 

Very  soon  thereafter  the  Reimers  moved  to  Friedensfeld,  near  Andreasfeld,  where  they 
rented  land.  Then  they  helped  found  Blumenau,  which  was  also  near  Andreasfeld,  where  they  first 
rented,  then  owned  land. 

On  July  4,  1865,  after  Reimer  had  already  left  the  Molotschna,  he  and  a  number  of  other 
brothers  were  invited  back  to  a  conference  to  be  held  in  Ladekopp.  There  he  met  privately  with 
Johann  Claassen,  and  they  had  a  reconciliation,  both  privately  and  about  church  matters.  There  was 
a  general  time  of  prayer  and  forgiving.  This  was  soon  after  the  “June  Reform,”  so  the  various 
excommunicated  members  were  likely  restored  to  the  church,  including  Reimer. 

Reimer  also  participated  in  the  first  foreign  mission  festival  held  by  the  Mennonite 
Brethren,  in  Neu-Halbstadt,  in  the  spring  of  1 867.  At  the  festival  a  young  man  expressed  a  desire 
to  be  baptized,  and  Jakob  Reimer  was  asked  to  preside.  The  baptism  was  held  in  the  Molochnaya 
River  at  Halbstadt.  The  young  man’s  father  complained  to  the  Molotschna  elders,  and  then  to  the 
government  authorities,  but  in  time  the  furor  died  down.  In  a  few  years  the  father  and  his  whole 
family  became  members  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 

Generally  Reimer  travelled  less  and  less  in  his  latter  years,  but  in  October  of  1875  he  and 
Abraham  Unger  visited  the  Kuban.  After  having  covered  the  900  verst  distance  by  train  they  spent 
their  time  preaching  and  visiting  homes. 

In  1880  Reimer  left  Blumenau,  likely  because  the  village  was  disintegrating.  He 
established  Wiesenfeld,  together  with  his  sons,  his  son-in-law  and  a  number  of  brethren  from 
Chortitza.  This  village  was  also  near  Andreasfeld,  in  the  Pavlograd  area,  Ekaterinoslav  Province, 
15  verst  from  the  railroad  station  Saizevo  on  the  Sevastopol  line.  Here  he  worked  quietly,  ever 
striving  to  establish  a  gentle,  milder  brotherhood,  “Where  everything  rotates  around  the  centre, 
Jesus  Christ.”  In  1885  Wiesenfeld  was  listed  as  an  affiliate  of  the  Einlage  church,  the  congregation 
worshipping  in  the  school. 

Jakob  kept  a  diary  during  the  formative  years  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  which 
P.  M.  Friesen  considered  to  be  a  very  accurate  and  surprisingly  dispassionate  portrayal  of  events. 
Reimer  likely  participated  in  the  25  year  celebrations  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  held  in 
1885,  writing  a  summary  of  the  history  for  the  occasion.  At  this  time  neither  of  these  documents 
has  been  found,  although  many  passages  of  the  diary  are  directly  quoted  by  P.  M.  Friesen. 

In  1886  P.  M.  Friesen  visited  Reimer  in  Wiesenfeld.  They  had  a  long  intimate  visit 
wandering  through  the  garden,  where  there  were  many  interesting  trees;  Reimer  described  them  as 
his  “children”  which  never  disappointed  him. 


47 


Jakob  Reimer  married  Wilhelmine  Augustine  Strauss  on  February  16,  1 839  in  Gnadenfeld. 
She  was  daughter  of  Gottlieb  Strauss,  one  of  the  early  members  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 
Roughly  at  the  same  time  Jakob  acquired  a  Vollwirtschaft  [full  farm]  in  Gnadenfeld.  The  couple 
had  12  children,  ten  sons  and  two  daughters.  At  least  three  sons  died  in  early  childhood  [two  of 
them  named  David].  Their  fourth  child  and  eldest  daughter,  Maria,  was  bom  on  February  24, 1 844. 
She  married  Johann  Franz  Martens,  starting  a  family  tree  which  now  has  numerous  descendants  in 
Canada.  The  accounts  of  the  founding  of  Wiesenfeld  mention  Jakob  establishing  it  together  with 
his  sons  and  son-in-law,  so  he  must  have  had  at  least  two  sons  who  survived  into  adulthood  and 
who  moved  with  him.  The  Reimers  were  quite  hospitable  -  early  Mennonite  Brethren  functions 
are  sometimes  mentioned  as  being  in  their  house  or  Scheune.  In  Wiesenfeld  Wilhelmine  also 
invited  women  to  their  home  to  pray  for,  and  make  items  to  help  the  poor. 

Twelve  days  before  his  death  Jakob  was  visited  by  Elder  Aron  Lepp  and  four  other  leading 
brethren  from  the  Einlage  church,  brothers  with  whom  he  had  worked  in  the  Kingdom  of  God  for 
25  years.  They  had  a  meaningful  discussion  and  celebrated  communion  with  him  and  members  of 
his  family.  Jakob  David  Renner  died  on  November  13,  1891  in  Wiesenfeld,  at  the  age  of  74.  His 
wife  had  died  two  years  earlier,  November  11,  1889.  P.  M.  Friesen  commented  that  Reimer  never 
did  find  the  ideal  he  was  looking  for  through  the  secession  of  1 860,  but  had,  despite  there  being 
some  rough  edges,  learned  to  love  many  of  the  brothers  with  whom  he  had  disagreed. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  86,  87,  169,  201,  225,  232-234,  236,  241,  242,  295,  296,  336,  345,  348,  362, 
364,  367,  368,  377,  388-392,  403,  404,  420,  439,  449,  450 
Hubbard,  Ethel  Daniels,  Ann  of Ava,  Friendship  Press,  New  York,  USA,  1941 

This  is  the  story  of  the  Ann  Hasseltine  Judson  [1789-1826],  missionary  to  Burma. 

The  German  version  of  the  story  must  have  details  about  her  life  not  included  in  this 
English  biography.  In  Ann  of  Ava  there  is  absolutely  no  mention  of  baptism  in 
any  form,  either  in  her  personal  life  or  on  the  mission  field. 

Loewen,  Harry,  Echos  of  Drumbeats:  The  Movement  of  Exuberance  Among  the  Mennonite 
Brethren,  Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies,  1985,  pp  1 18-127 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Pauls,  Hugo  [great-great-grandson  of  Jakob  Reimer],  Pauls  Family  Tree  and  Archives 
Peters,  Alan,  Brotherhood  and  Family:  Implications  of  Kinship  in  Mennonite  Brethren  History, 
in  P.  M.  Friesen  &  his  History,  edited  by  Abraham  Friesen,  Center  for  Mennonite 
Brethren  Studies,  Fresno,  USA,  1979,  pp  41,  42 

Reimer,  J.  C.,  Wiesenfelder  Missionsstunden,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  25  March  1953,  pp  2,  3 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  31-33,  52,  55,  59,  60,  62,  64,  366 

Gottlieb  Strauss,  the  father  of  Jakob  Reimer’s  wife,  Wilhelmine,  was  one  of  the  early  members 
of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  signing  the  explanatory  letter  to  the  Molotschna  elders  on 
March  19,  1860.  He  originally  lived  in  Prussia  and  was  a  Lutheran..  It  is  mentioned  that  in  his 
earlier  years  he  was  in  the  Prussian  army  under  the  command  of  General  Bluecher,  fighting 
against  the  French.  Bluecher’s  Prussian  army  played  a  significant  role  in  the  outcome  of  the 
Battle  of  Waterloo.  It  is  quite  possible  that  Gottlieb  Strauss  fought  in  that  battle! 


48 


10.  INTER-MENNONITE  FAITH  CONFERENCE 
IN  RUECKENAU 
SEPTEMBER  6, 1875 

Various  Mennonite  groups  were  invited  to  attend  a  conference  to  be  held  in 
Rueckenau,  Molotschna  on  September  6,  1875.  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg  of  the 
Rueckenau  congregation  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  seems  to  have  organized  the 
conference.  It  was  meant  to  discuss  a  number  of  items  concerning  the  faith  on  a  Biblical 
basis. 

The  Mennonite  Brethren  church  building  was  filled  to  capacity  with  “brethren” 
from  various  Molotschna  churches  and  even  some  from  the  Chortitza  Colony.  Besides 
Mennonite  Brethren  other  church  leaders  mentioned  attending  were  teacher  and  evangelist 
Bernhard  Harder  of  the  Ohrloff-Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church,  and  Abraham  Peters  of 
Friedensruh,  who  several  years  later  travelled  to  central  Asia  with  Klaas  Epp.  Ministers 
Richert  and  Gaeddert  of  the  Alexanderwohl  Mennonite  Church,  while  considered  by  the 
reporter  to  be  true  believers,  were  not  present. 

The  principle  of  discussing  various  tenets  of  faith  in  a  calm  and  kind  manner  was 
adhered  to;  the  conversations  were  not  in  a  contentious  or  confrontational  tone.  Under  the 
leadership  of  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg  a  number  of  subjects  were  broached,  and 
conclusions  reached.  The  topics  were  basically  the  burning  issues  of  the  day. 

Prayer  was  discussed  at  some  length.  Should  it  be  audible  or  silent?  What  form 
should  prayer  take?  May  women  pray  at  public  meetings?  The  reporter  mentions  the 
questions  asked,  but  strangely  does  not  inform  the  reader  [and  now  more  than  a  century 
later,  us]  of  the  conclusions  reached! 

Baptism  was  also  discussed.  Having  been  a  contentious  issue  since  the  time  of  the 
Reformation,  it  still  remained  a  point  on  which  Mennonite  groups  disagreed.  The  brethren 
tried,  on  the  basis  of  God’s  will  as  expressed  in  the  Word,  to  come  to  the  unbiased  truth. 
The  conclusion  seems  to  have  been  that  it  is  essential  to  be  baptized  upon  belief  in  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  to  follow  the  practices  of  the  apostles.  One  could  not  prove  the  opposite 
from  the  Word  of  God. 

After  considerable  further  discussion  Bernhard  Harder  got  up  ,  and  presumably 
addressing  those  from  his  own  Mennonite  Church  said  roughly  as  follows:  “What  do  you 
think,  my  brothers?  Should  the  Lord  actually  wish  us  to  be  baptized  in  a  river,  would  we 
then  not  consent  to  do  it?  I  for  my  part  would  be  willing.  What  do  you  think?”  To 
observers  it  seemed  that  the  participants  were  not  taking  Harder’s  remarks  to  heart, 
although  a  number  did  take  his  admonition  seriously.  Some  of  those  present  did  become 
convinced  of  the  validity  of  baptism  on  confession  of  faith,  for  when  in  1876  a  total  of  80 
people  were  baptized  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  among  them  were  many 
who  had  attended  the  conference.  Bernhard  Harder  himself,  however,  remained  a  member 
of  the  Mennonite  Church.  While  not  directly  stated  in  the  reports  it  appears  obvious  that 
the  principal  arguments  presented  at  the  conference  favoured  baptism  on  confession  of 
faith,  the  mode  being  immersion  in  running  water.  This  would  be  in  direct  opposition  to 
automatic  baptism  at  a  certain  age  [often  just  before  marriage,  since  the  church  did  not 


49 


marry  non-members],  with  the  mode  of  sprinkling,  as  practiced  by  the  Mennonite  Church. 

At  the  end  of  the  conference  it  was  decided  to  organize  another  similar  event  for 
November  29  that  same  year.  One  reporter,  Abraham  Unger,  from  the  Einlage  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church,  could  see  no  harm  in  these  conferences  for  his  church  for,  he  mused, 
“through  the  way  of  love  truth  must  prevail,  and  the  Word  of  God  is  truth.” 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  409,  410 
Toews,  J.  A.,  p  82 


Background  Information: 

Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg  [see  Parting  of  Ways] 
Bernhard  Elarder 


50 


BERNHARD  HARDER 

[1832-  1884] 

Participant  in  the  Inter-Mennonite  Faith 
Conference  in  Rueckenau 

Bernhard  Harder  was  bom  in  Halbstadt  on  March  25,  1832,  the  eighth  of  nine  children  of 
Abraham  and  Marie  Harder.  His  father  died  when  he  was  eleven  years  of  age,  so  his  mother  made 
a  strong  impression  on  him  in  his  early  years,  but  also  throughout  his  life.  The  family  was  likely 
landless,  living  on  the  edge  of  poverty.  As  a  child  Bernhard  felt  the  call  to  teach  and  preach, 
sometimes  practicing  his  preaching  techniques  on  unwilling  playmates. 

At  the  age  of  ten  Bernhard  entered  the  newly  established  Zentralschule  in  Halbstadt.  Since 
his  family  was  poor,  he  was  a  “church  pupil,”  that  is,  he  was  educated  at  public  expense.  One  of 
his  teachers,  Johann  Voth,  encouraged  his  interest  in  poetry  by  sometimes  allowing  him  to  do  his 
written  assignments  in  poetic  form.  Rather  than  fighting  a  bully.  Teacher  Voth  suggested  that 
Bernhard  write  a  poem  about  him.  This  was  then  read  in  class.  Despite  his  often  negative 
experiences  at  the  school,  he  graduated  in  six  years,  then  was  appointed  apprentice  secretary  at  the 
Gebietsamt  [county  office].  He  needed  to  do  this  to  repay  his  free  education  by  serving  the 
community. 

Bernhard  finally  achieved  his  dreams  when  he  was  appointed  as  teacher,  a  profession  he 
followed  for  26  years.  His  postings  included  Juschanlee,  Halbstadt,  Blumstein  [twice],  Friedensruh 
and  Alexanderwohl.  Bernhard’s  teaching  skills  may  not  have  been  exceptional,  but  his  relationship 
with  students  was  excellent.  He  is  described  as  having  a  progressive  attitude  and  a  lively,  yet 
spiritual  orientation.  He  was  trusting,  sometimes  naive,  making  discipline  a  problem  in  his  classes. 

In  1860,  during  the  time  Bernhard  was  teacher  at 
Halbstadt,  he  was  elected  as  minister  by  the  Halbstadt-Ohrloff 
Mennonite  Church.  The  final  vote  between  ministerial  candidates 
was  a  tie,  the  successful  Bernard  being  chosen  by  lot.  He  accepted 
his  position  with  enthusiasm.  He  was  influenced  in  his  theology 
and  preaching  techniques  by  Elder  Bernhard  Fast,  Ludwig 
Hofacker  [he  memorized  at  least  ten  of  his  sermons],  and  Pfarrer 
Eduard  Wuest.  Wuest  had  a  particular  influence  on  Bernhard, 
playing  a  role  in  his  original  conversion  around  1850,  then  later 
being  an  example  of  preaching  methods  to  be  emulated.  Bernhard 
had  no  official  religious  training,  but  read  extensively  in  theology 
and  church  history;  he  read  devotional  material  and  literature 
pertaining  to  preaching.  He  broke  with  the  tradition  of  reading 
prescribed  sermons,  often  shifting  into  Low  German  as  he  ignored 
the  text  and  spoke  with  enthusiasm  from  the  heart.  He  preached 
with  his  entire  being,  and  with  a  thundering  voice.  He  travelled 
widely  throughout  the  Mennonite  colonies,  bringing  his  message 
of  salvation  to  many  a  soul.  Historian  P.  M.  Friesen  described  his  preaching  as  “very  convincing, 
with  soaring  poetry ,  infused  with  burning  love  for  the  Saviour  and  the  sinner.”  Friesen  considered 
him  to  be  the  greatest  evangelist  and  pulpit  orator  the  Mennonites  in  Russia  had  produced. 
Bernhard’s  contribution  to  the  spiritual  life  of  the  Mennonites,  he  thought,  was  comparable  to  that 
of  Johann  Comies  in  the  economic  realm. 

There  were,  however,  some  critics.  The  Mennonite  Church  [ Kirchliche ]  did  not  appreciate 


Bernhard  Harder 
[1832-1884] 


51 


his  strong  evangelistic  thrust,  and  his  frequent  defence  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  positions,  while 
the  Mennonite  Brethren  wondered  why  he  did  not  join  them!  The  faith  conference  held  in 
Rueckenau  in  1875  illustrates  this  seeming  paradox,  where  he  basically  seemed  to  agree  with  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  on  the  discussion  of  baptism,  but  did  not  leave  his  own  church  because  of  this. 

In  1872  Bernhard  gave  up  teaching  to  be  a  full  time  travelling  evangelist,  supported  by  a 
group  of  friends.  Then  he  again  taught  school  for  three  years  in  Alexanderwohl,  after  which  he  was 
secretary  of  the  Gebietsamt  from  1 879  to  1 880.  He  taught  Bible  for  one  year  in  his  old  alma  mater, 
the  Halbstadt  Zentrals chide,  before  beginning  another  stint  as  travelling  evangelist.  During  this 
time  four  months  of  each  year  were  spent  contributing  to  his  own  congregation  in  Halbstadt.  He 
also  visited  Mennonites  in  far  flung  areas,  the  Volga  region  in  1868  and  Prussia  in  1873. 

Bernhard  periodically  represented  Mennonites  in  various  capacities.  In  1867  and  again  in 
1882  he  went  to  St.  Petersburg,  dealing  with  Mennonite  emigration  to  Turkestan.  In  1879,  when 
he  was  with  the  Gebietsamt,  he  twice  went  to  Odessa  to  speak  to  Count  Eduard  von  Totleben  about 
Mennonite  alternative  service. 

Probably  Bernhard’s  most  unique  contribution,  however,  was  his  writing.  He  was  prolific, 
writing  literally  hundreds  of  poems  for  special  occasions  such  as  birthdays  and  family  celebrations. 
He  also  penned  serious  poetry  reflecting  his  joys  and  sorrows,  his  spiritual  journey  and  his  hopes. 
His  literary  output  included  many  songs.  He  did  not  compose  music,  but  would  write  the  words 
with  a  specific  melody  in  mind.  Much  of  his  work,  539  poems  and  584  songs,  was  collected  and 
edited  by  Heinrich  Franz.  It  was  published  in  1888  under  the  title  “ Geistliche  Lieder  und 
GelegenheitsgedichteG  His  son  Peter  also  collected  and  edited  a  collection  of  2 1 3  songs,  published 
as  uKleines  Liederbuch.  Geistliche  Gelegenheitslieder in  1902.  The  “Gesangbuch  der 
Mennoniten  Bruedergemeinde ,”  published  in  1955,  still  included  eleven  of  Bernhard’s  songs,  all 
for  special  occasions.  Six  were  in  the  “Engagement”  section,  four  were  for  weddings,  and  the  best 
known,  “Z)/e  Zeit  ist  kurz,  o  Mensch,  sei  weise!  "[Time  is  short,  o  soul  be  wise]  is  for  funerals. 

Bernhard  married  Katharina  Boschmann  on  March  16,  1854.  The  couple  had  eleven 
children,  four  of  whom  predeceased  him.  Economics  was  not  Bernhard’s  strong  point,  so  the 
family  most  often  lived  with  meagre  resources.  Being  somewhat  naive,  he  sometimes  gave  away 
what  the  family  actually  needed  for  sustenance!  Katharina  died  in  1878  at  the  age  of  46,  and  the 
following  year  Bernhard  married  Helena  Ewert.  This  union  was  blessed  with  three  additional 
daughters.  Helena  proved  to  be  a  good  household  manager,  so  the  finances  of  the  family  improved 
somewhat.  Bernhard’s  children  included  Gerhard,  who  later  wrote  a  biography  of  his  father,  and 
Peter,  an  author  on  his  own  right,  who  published  a  book  of  Bernhard’s  songs. 

Bernhard  continued  working  right  to  the  end.  He  held  an  evangelistic  campaign  lasting  a 
week  in  the  Sagradovka  Colony,  preaching  three  times  a  day,  often  at  different  places  each  day. 
He  returned  home  by  steamship  on  September  27,  1884,  ill  with  pneumonia.  He  died  a  few  days 
later,  on  October  1,  at  the  age  of  52.  Friends  erected  a  monument  in  Bernhard’s  honour  in  the  Neu- 
Halbstadt  cemetery.  One  side  had  a  black  cross  on  a  massive  base  with  the  inscription  “Faith, 
Hope,  Love.”  This  was  a  fitting  encapsulation  of  Bernhard  Harder’s  life. 

Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  87,  138,  139,  409,  410,  711,  743-754 

Gesangbuch  der  Mennoniten  Bruedergemeinde,  1955,  Songs  number  453,  482,  484,  485,  486, 
487,488,494,  496,499,  501 

Goerz,  H.,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950\51,  pp  166,  167 

Harder,  Leland,  The  Harder  Family  Review,  Issue  4,  October  1988,  pp  1-14 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  20,  36,  44,  66,  82,  84,  95 


52 


11.  PARTING  OF  WAYS 


Farewell  at  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church 
in  Rueckenau  on  May  6,  1 879 

After  the  defeats  of  the  Crimean  War,  the  Russian  government  decided  to  improve 
the  organization  of  the  military.  One  of  the  changes  was  to  implement  universal 
conscription.  Mennonites  quickly  recognized  the  danger  this  posed  to  their  long  held 
principle  of  non-resistance.  Delegations  were  sent  to  St.  Petersburg  for  clarification  and 
possible  negotiation.  It  soon  became  apparent  that  some  form  of  service  to  the  government 
was  going  to  become  mandatory. 

At  the  same  time  the  government  was  actively  pursuing  a  program  of  Russification. 
Official  government  business  was  to  be  conducted  in  Russian.  The  principal  language  of 
instruction  in  all  schools  was  to  be  Russian. 

Some  Mennonites  felt  that  government  service  could  be  negotiated,  and  that  a  non¬ 
military  option  was  acceptable  under  certain  circumstances.  Eventually  a  forestry  service 
[Forstei]  was  established  and  implemented  in  1880.  The  Russification  program  was  not 
negotiable,  so  the  Mennonites  made  special  efforts  to  add  instruction  of  German  and 
Religion  to  the  school  curriculum. 

A  significant  number  of  Mennonites  felt,  however,  that  no  form  of  service  to  the 
government  was  acceptable.  Russification  was  the  thin  edge  of  the  wedge  to  eliminate 
minorities  and  their  rights.  In  1873  a  delegation  of  twelve  men  visited  Manitoba  and  the 
central  states  to  assess  North  America  as  a  possible  new  home.  Despite  attempts  by  the 
government,  through  General  Eduard  Totleben,  to  disuade  them,  from  a  quarter  to  a  third 
of  the  Mennonites  emigrated.  From  1874  to  1884  about  10,000  went  to  the  United  States, 
about  8,000  to  Manitoba. 

*  *  * 

Mennonite  Brethren  were  among  those  who  participated  in  the  emigration  to  North 
America,  eventually  about  one  third  of  the  membership  migrating  to  the  United  States. 
They  had  concerns  that  they  might  lose  their  scriptural  and  historical  heritage,  especially 
that  of  non-resistance. 

Abraham  Schellenberg  had  been  elected  elder  of  the  Molotschna  congregation  based 
in  Rueckenau  in  1875.  He  was  active,  travelled  widely,  and  influenced  the  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church  throughout  Russia.  He  decided  that  his  task  in  Russia  had  been 
completed,  and  that  the  Lord  had  a  new  assignment  for  him  in  America.  He  also  expressed 
some  concern  that  in  time  religious  freedom  of  “alien  groups  “  in  Russia  would  be 
curtailed.  None-the-less  the  remaining  members  of  his  own  church  felt  somewhat 
abandoned  when  their  elder  as  well  as  some  of  the  other  ministers  such  as  Johann  Regier 
of  Klippenfeld  and  Johann  Poettker  of  Fuerstenau  left  the  flock.  The  membership  was  also 
aware  of  the  fact  that  the  leadership  of  other  congregations,  such  as  the  Einlage  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church,  by  and  large  remained  in  Russia. 


53 


Schellenberg  did  try  to  make  appropriate  arrangements  for  the  continuance  of  the 
leadership  in  the  Molotschna  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  On  April  15,1 878  Franz  Nickel 
and  David  Schellenberg  [younger  brother  of  Abraham]  were  ordained  as  ministers.  At  a 
church  membership  meeting  held  December  27,  1878,  Johann  J.  Fast  of  Fuerstenau  was 
named  “Elder  Representative”[^eftas7erverAe/er ],  and  Jakob  Dirksen  of  Muensterberg  as 
his  assistant. 


*  *  * 

As  the  time  for  departure  neared  a  farewell  ceremony  was  organized  in  the 
Rueckenau  church  for  May  6,  1879.  Four  official  sermons  were  on  the  agenda.  Jakob 
Dirksen,  representing  those  remaining,  spoke,  using  John  16:32-33  as  text  “But  a  time  is 
coming,  and  has  come,  when  you  will  be  scattered  ...Yet  I  am  not  alone,  for  my  Father  is 
with  me  ... .”  Johann  Poettker  replied  for  the  departing  group  using  Revelation  2: 10  for  his 
sermon  “Do  not  be  afraid  of  what  you  are  about  to  suffer  ...Be  faithful,  even  to  the  point  of 
death,  and  I  will  give  you  the  crown  of  life.”  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg,  also  departing, 
preached  on  John  14:19  “...Because  I  live,  you  also  will  live.”  Klaas  Enns,  remaining, 
among  other  thoughts,  used  the  text  Matthew  26:54  “But  how  then  would  the  scriptures  be 
fulfilled  that  say  it  must  happen  in  this  way?”  A  number  of  departing  people  made 
additional  comments. 

Likely  with  the  two  and  one  half  tribes  of  Israel  in  mind  who  departed  to  their  own 
territory  across  the  Jordan  River,  the  departing  group  was  then  asked  if  they  would  make 
a  public  pledge  of  their  loyalty  to  the  Lord.  They  confirmed  their  resolution  by  standing 
up.  Thereupon  Abraham  Schellenberg  asked  those  remaining  the  same  question.  They  also 
stood  up. 

The  last  farewells  were  said  on  May  1 5,  1 879  at  the  Michailovka  train  station.  At 
this  open  air  ceremony  there  were  sermons  and  prayers  by  each  of  the  groups.  In  all  42 
families,  or  one  third  of  the  church  membership,  departed  with  Abraham  Schellenberg, 
leaving  about  200  members  behind. 

*  *  * 

According  to  David  Schellenberg  the  remaining  church  members  felt  like  a  young 
bird  abandoned  by  its  mother,  like  orphans  without  anyone  to  lead.  But  then,  continued 
Schellenberg,  they  pulled  together,  with  everyone  serving  according  to  the  gifts  God  had 
given.  Additional  workers  were  ordained  on  June  1,  1880  -  Wilhelm  Loewen  and  Klaas 
Enns.  They,  together  with  previously  appointed  ministers  and  deacons  worked  as  a  team 
with  Johann  Fast  to  serve  the  church. 

Unfortunately  minister  Jakob  Dirksen  and  deacon  Johann  Kliewer  moved  away  to 
Herzenberg.  New  deacons  were  appointed,  Johann  Huebert  of  Blumstein,  Johann  Koop  of 
Pordenau,  Heinrich  Loewen  of  Alexanderkrone  and  Peter  Boese  of  Tiegenhagen.  During 
this  time  Johann  Wieler  was  appointed  teacher  at  the  Zentralschule  in  Halbstadt,  and  soon 
helped  with  the  proclamation  of  the  Word.  In  1881  the  need  was  felt  for  an  elder,  and  on 


54 


April  14  David  Schellenberg  was  elected,  receiving  1 12  of  the  possible  130  votes  cast.  He 
was  ordained  on  May  23,  1882. 

Attendance  at  the  Rueckenau  church  services  was  increasing,  making  it  necessary 
to  expand.  In  the  summer  of  1883,  under  the  supervision  of  Johann  Koop  of  Fuerstenau, 
a  beautiful  solid  brick  sanctuary  was  constructed.  Membership  grew.  In  1884  and  1885 
there  were  revivals  in  Waldheim,  Margenau  and  Spat  in  the  Crimea,  all  areas  served  by  the 
Rueckenau  church.  In  1884  there  were  84  new  members,  in  1885  this  increased  to  171 ! 

Even  Abraham  Schellenberg,  while  on  a  visit  back  to  Russia  in  1886\87,  was 
surprised  at  the  phenomenal  growth  of  the  church.  He  almost  expressed  a  desire  to  move 
back  -  and  would  have  if  “home,  duty  and  interest”  did  not  call  him  back  to  the  United 
States. 


*  *  * 

The  Rueckenau  church  members  departing  likely  travelled  by  train  to  Antwerp, 
where  they  boarded  the  S.  S.  Switzerland,  arriving  in  Philadelphia  on  June  24,  1879.  The 
Schellenberg  family,  Abraham,  Katharina  and  five  children  are  on  the  passenger  list. 
Johann  Regier  with  young  wife  Maria  [Abraham  Schellenberg’s  sister]  and  four  children 
are  listed  as  well  as  Johann  Poettker,  wife  Elisabeth  and  six  children.  The  group  did  not 
settle  as  a  block  in  the  United  States.  The  Regier  family  became  established  in  Boone 
County,  Nebraska.  Twelve  adults,  among  them  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg,  arrived  in 
Kansas  July  4,  and  began  participating  in  the  Harvey,  Reno  and  McPherson  County 
Mennonite  Brethren  affairs.  On  August  1 0  Schellenberg  was  elected  elder  of  the  Ebenezer 
congregation.  The  church  was  blessed,  there  was  a  revival  and  26  new  members  were 
baptized.  On  November  5  it  was  decided,  despite  the  poverty  of  most  members,  to  build 
a  new  church  the  following  year.  The  Molotschna  church  sent  200  Rubles  to  help  in  the 
building  program. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  412-415,  North  America  pp  3-5 
Gislason,  Leona  Wiebe,  Rueckenau,  Toronto,  Canada,  1998,  pp  71,  86 
Hiebert,  Clarence,  Brothers  in  Deed  to  Brothers  in  Need,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA, 
1974,  p  360 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  88-92,  98 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  80,  81 ,  83 


Background  Information: 

Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg 

Elder  David  Schellenberg  [see  Dedication  Service  at  the  Lugovsk  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church] 


55 


ELDER  ABRAHAM  SCHELLENBERG 

[1845-1920] 

Elder  of  the  Molotschna  [Rueckenau] 

Mennonite  Brethren  Church 

Abraham  Schellenberg  was  bom  August  29,  1845,  in  Halbstadt,  Molotschna  Colony.  His 
parents  were  Abraham  and  Maria  [Pauls]  Schellenberg.  He  was  the  third  bom  of  13  children, 
though  the  first  to  survive  beyond  childhood.  David  [later  elder  of  the  Rueckenau  church]  and 
Maria  [later  wife  of  Johann  Regier]  were  younger  siblings.  Early  in  Abraham’s  life  the  family 
moved  to  Tiegerweide,  then  to  Tiege.  He  went  to  highschool  [  Vereinsschule]  in  Ohrloff,  where 
Hermann  Janzen  was  his  teacher.  At  the  age  of  1 5  he  began  working  in  his  father’s  cloth  dying 
shop. 

In  1864,  at  the  age  of  19,  Abraham  was  converted  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church.  He  very  soon  became  active  in  the  Molotschna  congregation,  and  in  the  summer  of  1 869 
was  appointed  as  “teacher-helper.”  He,  even  at  a  young  age,  must  have  been  a  diplomat,  for  in  the 
early  1870s  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  asked  him  to  seek  a  reconciliation  with  August 
Lenzmann  of  the  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church.  Many  of  the  original  1 8  Mennonite  Brethren  who 
seceded  from  the  Mennonite  Church  had  been  members  of  that  congregation. 

Heinrich  Huebert  was  the  leading  elder  of  the  Molotschna  Mennonite  Brethren,  but  when 
he  moved  to  the  Kuban  in  the  summer  of  1873  Abraham  Schellenberg  was  elected  as  “Elder 
Representative.”  He  had,  since  his  appointment  in  1 869,  gradually  assumed  more  and  more  of  the 
teaching  and  leadership  role  in  the  church.  In  the  autumn  of  1 875  Abraham  was  elected  elder,  and 
was  officially  ordained  by  Elder  Huebert  in  the  spring  of  1 876.  Showing  his  concern  for  the  wider 
Mennonite  community,  Schellenberg  had  already  organized  and  chaired  an  Inter-Mennonite  Faith 
Conference  [Algemeine  Konferenz ]  late  in  the  fall  of  1875.  Various  Mennonite  groups  discussed 
common  concerns,  such  as  prayer  and  baptism.  Abraham  travelled  extensively  and  preached 
effectively.  He  participated  in  various  ceremonies  in  which  the  presence  of  an  elder  was  required, 
for  example  the  ordination  of  Jakob  Jantz  as  elder  of  the  newly  organized  Friedensfeld  church  in 
1875. 

When  the  Russian  government  seemed  about  to  implement  universal  conscription  and 
introduced  Russification,  Abraham  felt  it  was  time  to  move  on.  He  had  concerns  that  religious 
freedom  of  “alien  groups”  might  in  the  future  be  compromised  in  Russia.  It  seems  that  his  energy 
and  capacity  for  leadership  may  also  have  caused  slight  friction  in  the  Rueckenau  hierarchy.  He 
therefore  felt  that  his  task  in  Russia  was  completed,  and  that  there  were  new  horizons  in  America. 
So  Abraham  with  family,  together  with  some  of  the  other  leaders  of  the  church  such  as  Johann 
Poettker  of  Fuerstenau  and  Johann  Regier  of  Klippenfeld  and  about  one  third  of  the  Rueckenau 
congregation,  planned  to  emigrate  to  the  United  States. 

Abraham  prepared  the  way  by  ensuring  that  there  would  be  leadership  in  place  after  his 
departure.  A  number  of  ministers  were  elected  in  1878,  and  Johann  J.  Fast  was  named  “Elder 
Representative”.  After  a  farewell  at  the  church  on  May  6,  1 879,  at  which  Abraham  was  one  of  the 
four  main  speakers,  the  group  left  from  the  Michailovka  train  station  on  May  15,  1879.  The 
Schellenbergs,  and  likely  the  whole  group,  travelled  by  train  to  Antwerp,  boarded  the  S.  S. 
Switzerland ,  and  sailed  to  Philadelphia,  arriving  on  June  24.  The  passenger  list  mentions  Abraham 
[age  33],  wife  Katharina  [31],  and  children  Abraham  [9],  Katharina  [8],  Peter  [7],  Maria  [3],  and 
Elisabeth  [1],  From  Philadelphia  the  trip  continued  by  train  to  the  central  states. 

Twelve  of  the  group  from  the  Rueckenau  church,  including  Abraham,  arrived  in  Kansas 
on  July  4,  1879.  Schellenberg  himself  settled  on  a  farm  south-west  of  Moundridge.  The  Ebenezer 


56 


Mennonite  Brethren  Church  had  been  established  in  that  region  of  Kansas  in  1 878.  No  sooner  had 
Abraham  arrived  when  he  was  elected  elder  of  that  congregation  on  August  10,  1879,  a  position 
he  held  for  30  years.  Under  his  leadership  the  Ebenezer  church  flourished,  and  was  one  of  the 
strongest  congregations  in  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Conference. 

Abraham’s  work  again  extended  well  beyond  his  own  congregation.  He  was  elected 
conference  moderator  18  times  between  1880  and  1900.  He  served  as  itinerant  minister  and  Bible 
expositor,  and  participated  in  many  functions  where  ministers  and  elders  were  commissioned. 
Abraham  was  interested  in  foreign  missions  and  was  chairman  of  the  Foreign  Mission  Board  for 
years.  He  urged  the  establishment  of  the  official  conference  publication  Zionsbote,  and  the 
founding  of  a  publishing  house.  He  was  chairman  of  the  Publications  Committee  of  the  conference 
for  years.  Abraham  was  concerned  about  the  spiritual  welfare  of  children,  urging  Sunday  School 
attendance,  and  encouraged  the  founding  of  Tabor  College  in  Hillsboro,  Kansas. 

During  this  time  Schellenberg  was  obviously  still  interested  in  his  old  home  church.  He 
made  at  least  one,  possibly  two,  extended  trips  to  Russia  in  the  late  1 880s.  It  was  said  that  he  had 
been  present  as  a  guest  at  the  twenty-five  year  jubilee  celebrations  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church  held  in  Rueckenau  in  January  of  1 885.  He  participated  in  a  conference  in  Rueckenau  in 
the  fall  of  1886,  and  was  in  Russia  in  1887.  Abraham  visited  many  congregations  throughout 
southern  Russia,  and  had  extensive  conversations  with  various  church  leaders,  such  as  P.  M. 
Friesen. 

Abraham  married  Katharina  Lohrenz  [Lorentz?]  of  Tiegerweide,  Molotschna,  in  1 868 .  The 
couple  lived  in  Tiegerweide,  and  had  eight  children.  The  eldest  child,  Abraham  L.  Schellenberg, 
became  manager  of  the  publishing  house  which  his  father  had  promoted,  holding  the  position  for 
many  years.  The  second  child,  daughter  Katharina,  became  the  first  medical  missionary  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  serving  for  many  years  in  India.  Wife  Katharina  died  in  1884  in 
Moundridge,  Kansas.  Abraham  then  married  Susanna  Flaming  in  1885,  and  the  couple  had  14 
children,  of  which  two  died  within  a  few  days  of  birth. 

In  1907  the  Schellenbergs  moved  to  Escondido,  California.  There  Abraham  organized  a 
Mennonite  Brethren  church,  and  was  its  pastor  until  1915.  Returning  to  Kansas,  they  lived  on  their 
farm  for  four  years,  then  retired  to  Buhler.  Abraham  became  ill  for  an  extended  period,  giving  him 
time  to  reflect  on  his  past  life.  A  friend,  D.  D.  Hiebert,  visited  him.  Abraham  told  of  a  dear  sister 
who  had  come  to  comfort  him.  “You  have”  she  said  “often  comforted  me  with  your  sermons.  So 
I  have  now  come  to  comfort  you  ...but  I  don’t  know  how!”  The  child-like  sincerity  of  the  woman 
had  moved  him  to  tears.  Abraham,  in  assessing  his  career,  was  assailed  by  some  doubts.  “Behind 
all  the  works  I  have  done”  he  mused  “is  a  great  enemy  who  darkens  everything.  I  will  achieve 
salvation  only  through  grace!” 

OnApril  11, 1920,  at  the  age  of74years,  Abraham  Schellenberg  died.  In  his  obituary  wife 
Susanna  and  family  wrote  “We  miss  father  very  much.  He  has  been  on  many  journeys,  but  he 
always  came  home  again.  But  this  time  he  will  not  return.  Our  comfort  is  the  hope  of  seeing  him 
in  eternity.” 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  202,  219,  234,  235,  353,  357, 373,  387,  407-409, 41 1, 413, 414, 424,  439,  460, 
466,  499,  505,  506,  North  America,  3,  5,  8, 12-15,  17,  18,21,26,31,34,  37,  44,  48 
Hiebert,  Clarence,  Brothers  in  Deed  to  Brothers  in  Need,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA, 
1974,  p  360 

Hiebert,  D.  D.,  Letter,  Zionsbote,  28  April  1920,  p  4 

Gislason,  Leona  Wiebe,  Rueckenau,  Toronto,  Canada,  1998,  pp  69,  71,  87 


57 


Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life ,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  97,  98,  103 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Obituary,  Zionsbote,  30  June  1920,  p  4 

Schellenberg  Family  History,  from  Archival  Genealogy  Database 

Toews,  J.  A„  pp  62,71,78,  80-82,  89,  106,  134,  135,  140,  141,  191,  196,  198,  200,203,218, 
269,  284,  287 


58 


12.  JOURNEY  TO  CENTRAL  ASIA 

[1880-  1882] 


Jung- Stilling,  a  pietistic  German  author,  in  his  novel  Das  Heimweh  [Yearning  for 
Home],  depicted  Eugenius,  a  devout  Christian,  seeking  a  refuge  in  central  Asia.  This  novel 
inspired  some  Mennonites  to  seek  a  similar  refuge  by  moving  eastward,  to  be  at  the  place 
where  Christ’s  second  coming  was  expected  to  take  place.  The  imagination  of  a  young 
farmer,  Claas  Epp  Jr.  of  Hahnsau,  Am  Trakt  Colony,  was  caught  up  to  the  extent  that  he 
wrote  a  book  in  1 878,  interpreting  the  prophesies  of  Daniel  and  Revelation  along  the  same 
lines.  Christ  was  to  come  in  1889,  and  his  followers  needed  to  meet  him  in  central  Asia. 
Coupled  with  these  chiliastic  ideas  was  the  desire  to  escape  the  new  draft  laws  of  the 
Russian  government,  at  that  time  not  enforced  in  the  more  remote  territories. 

Eventually  plans  were  completed  to  migrate  to  Turkestan.  The  first  contingent  of 
ten  families,  consisting  of  20  adults,  29  children,  with  17  specially  equipped  wagons  and 
40  horses  left  Hahnsau  on  July  3,1880,  accompanied  by  Epp  for  the  first  few  days.  The 
second  wagon  train  of  13  families  also  left  from  Am  Trakt,  on  August  13,  1880.  A  third 
group,  consisting  of  80  families,  departed  from  Waldheim  of  the  Molotschna  under  the 
leadership  of  Elder  Abraham  Peters;  it  also  included 
people  from  the  Kuban.  The  fourth  and  fifth  trains, 
again  from  Am  Trakt,  concluded  the  migration  of  the 
600  people.  The  last  train,  which  included  the  leader 
Claas  Epp,  began  its  trek  September  1,  1881 . 

Across  mountain  passes  with  snow,  and 
deserts  with  searing  heat,  braving  broken  axles  and 
wheels,  suffering  disease  and  death,  the  pilgrims 
travelled  on.  The  first  group,  for  example,  lost  14 
children  on  the  first  1,780  mile  leg  of  the  trip;  the 
third  train  had  an  epidemic  of  typhoid  fever  in  early 
1881  which  claimed  at  least  27  lives.  Eventually  the 
first  groups  reached  the  Tashkent  area  in  Turkestan, 
where  they  halted  for  the  winter,  taking  time  to 
organize.  Partly  because  of  increasing  difficulty  with 
accepting  Epp’s  increasingly  radical  views,  about  1 00 
families  under  the  leadership  of  Abraham  Peters  [and 
when  he  died  in  January  of  1882  Jacob  Janzen 
became  the  leader]  decided  to  accept  government 
terms  and  settle  in  Turkestan.  They  were  granted 
land  near  Aulie  Ata,  along  the  Talus  River,  moving 
there  in  April,  1882.  They  established  four  villages, 

Gnadenfeld,  Gnadental,  Nikolaipol  and  Koeppental;  later  Ohrloff  and  Hohendorf  were 
added.  Prior  to  World  War  I  there  were  about  1,000  inhabitants  in  this  colony,  of  which 
approximately  half  were  Mennonite  Brethren. 


59 


The  last  of  the  wagon  trains,  including  Claas  Epp  himself,  arrived  in  Turkestan  after 
a  difficult  four  month  trip.  Epp  took  charge  of  the  remaining  60  families  of  the  migration, 
and  in  August,  1 882,  continued  on  the  quest  for  Christ’s  arrival  site.  Not  wishing  to  accept 
any  type  of  alternative  service  demanded  if  they  remained  in  Russian  territory,  yet  being 
refused  entry  by  the  Emir  of  Bukhara,  the  caravan  of  50  wagons  was  driven  back  and  forth 
by  circumstances,  braving  wide  bleak  deserts  and  considerable  danger  from  roving  nomads. 
Eventually  the  Khan  of  Khiva  invited  the  struggling  group  to  settle  near  the  Amudar’ya 
River.  Unfortunately  the  region  was  a  disease-infested  swamp,  with  surrounding  natives 
who  freely  raided  the  settlement.  In  time  the  Khan  offered  a  safer  refuge  in  Ak  Metchet, 
a  garden  near  the  city  of  Khiva.  This  was  certainly  much  safer,  and  a  pleasant  place  to  live. 
Epp  now  preached 
that  Ak  Metchet  was 
the  real  refuge  to 
which  Christ  would 
return,  he  even 
supervised  the 
construction  of  more 
apartments  which 
would  be  needed  for 
the  refugees  that  were 
expected  to  arrive  for 
the  event. 

The  group  still 
under  the  leadership 
of  the  ever  more 
radical  and  demanding 

Epp  slowly  dwindled  in  number.  Some  dissenters  moved  to  Aulie  Ata,  others  emigrated 
to  the  United  States.  As  1889  approached  Claas  Epp  was  also  able  to  announce  the  exact 
date  of  Christ’s  appearance  -  March  8.  On  the  expected  date  Epp  explained  that  he  would 
be  the  first  to  be  caught  up  to  meet  Christ,  so  he  sat  on  a  church  altar  which  had  been 
carried  outside  to  be  his  “throne.”  The  others  stood  all  day,  in  white  robes,  in  an  attitude 
of  prayer  and  fasting.  But  the  Lord  tarried.  Epp  made  the  astonishing  discovery  that  the 
clock  which  he  had  used  to  calculate  the  date  of  Christ’s  arrival  had  been  tilted,  that  the 
actual  date  was  really  1891!  When  in  two  years  the  delayed  second  coming  failed  to 
transpire,  confidence  in  his  leadership  suffered  a  setback,  ever  more  people  leaving  the 
flock. 

With  more  disappointments,  and  more  plans  going  awry,  Epp’s  theology  and 
behaviour  became  increasingly  bizarre.  Eventually  he  concluded  that  he  himself  was 
Christ’s  son,  so  that  there  were  four  members  of  the  Godhead  -  Father,  sons,  and  Holy 
Ghost.  One  of  his  faithful  followers,  Wilhelm  Penner,  finally  could  tolerate  no  more,  and 
eventually  was  excommunicated  by  Epp.  After  the  turn  of  the  century  Epp  began  preaching 
about  a  “New  Ak  Metchet”  which  would  come  down  from  heaven,  much  like  the  “New 
Jerusalem”  mentioned  in  the  Revelation  of  John. 


60 


Claas  Epp  died  in  Ak  Metchet,  a  lonely  man.  He  passed  away  on  January  19, 1913, 
just  five  days  after  the  death  of  his  wife  Elisabeth.  Not  all  of  the  millennial  beliefs  of  his 
remaining  followers  died  with  Epp.  In  time  some  of  them  came  to  believe  that  Claas  Epp 
would  return  to  earth  again,  this  time  with  Christ. 


Sources: 

Belk,  Fred  Richard,  The  Great  Trek  of  the  Russian  Mennonites  to  Central  Asia  1880-1884, 
Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada,  1976,  pp  43-227 
Dueck,  A.  J.,  Claas  Epp  and  the  Great  Trek  Reconsidered,  Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies, 
1985,  pp  138-147 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  60,  61,  137 

Smith,  C.  Henry,  Smith 's  Story  of  the  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1981 
pp  294-299 
Toews,  J.  A.  pp  81,  82 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  1] 
Map:  Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  2] 


61 


Mennonite  Colony 

Trail  of  Claas  Epp  and 
his  Followers 


62 


Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  1] 


Aulie  Ata 
rDzhambull 


63 


Claas  Epp  Journey  to  Central  Asia  [Map  2] 


13.  EPIDEMIC  IN  SOUTH  RUSSIA 
WINTER  1888  -  1889 


Infectious  diseases  were  part  of  the  cycle  of  life  and  death  in  earlier  times.  World 
wide  causes  of  death  among  children  were  diphtheria  and  scarlet  fever,  although  children 
also  shared  typhus  ,  small  pox  and  tuberculosis  with  the  adults.  This  in  part  accounted  for 
the  low  life  expectancy,  significant  child  mortality  bringing  down  the  statistical  average. 

Mennonites  were  not  immune  to  these  diseases.  Winter  appears  to  have  been  high 
season  for  infections  to  occur.  In  the  winter  of  1879-1880  three  of  the  oldest  school  children 
in  Rueckenau  died  of  diphtheria  in  a  short  time,  also  two  daughters  of  G.  Martens.  In 
February  of  1 880  Gnadenthal  reported  that  diphtheria  causing  swelling  of  the  face  and  throat 
reigned  supreme,  although  there  had  been  no  fatalities.  Gnadenfeld  was  not  so  lucky.  Five 
children  of  Dr.  Heinemann  died  in  one  night. 

In  the  late  autumn  of  1881  disease  struck  again.  A  correspondent  from  Ladekopp 
reported  that  minister  Peter  Fast  lost  three  children  to  diphtheria,  two  daughters  and  one  son. 
Their  relatives,  Johann  Mieraus  had  five  children  die,  almost  at  the  same  time,  three 
daughters  and  two  sons.  Jakob  Neufelds  lost  two  daughters,  David  Boese  one  son,  then  two 
weeks  later  his  wife  also  died. 

Probably  the  most  widespread  and  virulent  epidemic  affected  the  South  Russian 
colonies  in  late  1888  and  early  1889.  In  the  Molotschna  Colony  the  village  of  Hamberg 
reported  that  “diphtheria  reigns;  in  one  week  thirteen  children  died,  also  one  adult.”  A 
correspondent  from  Schoensee  reported  diphtheria  to  be  in  many  villages,  with  quite  a  few 
children  dying.  In  Ohrloff  the  school  was  closed  because  of  the  epidemic. 

At  the  same  time  scarlet  fever  also  raged.  Three  children  of  Johann  Mierau  died  in 
Tiege,  as  well  as  one  child  of  Jacob  Willms.  In  the  correspondent’s  home  three  children  had 
just  recovered  from  the  disease,  and  one  had  come  down  with  it  the  day  before  the  letter  was 
mailed. 

The  1 888-1889  epidemic  was  not  confined  to  the  Molotschna  Colony.  Isaak  Ens  of 
Alexanderthal,  Fuerstenland  Colony  reported  “Our  state  of  health  is  satisfactory,  only  the 
children  have  been  quite  ill,  with  many  a  small  pilgrim  having  been  called  to  the  great 
beyond.”  In  Tiegenhof,  an  estate  north  of  the  Molotschna,  Jakob  Enns  reported  that  the  Peter 
Giesbrechts  lost  three  children.  The  school  was  closed  because  of  the  epidemic.  Jakob 
philosophized  “Jesus  now  and  then  knocks  at  our  heart’s  door.”  But  not  all  the  news  was 
bad.  Bernhard  Dueck  of  Friedensfeld,  Borozenko  Colony,  reported  that  “in  our  region  we 
have  had  no  epidemic  this  winter.”  The  fact  that  Dueck  considered  the  absence  of  an 
epidemic  to  be  newsworthy  tells  us  how  common  the  diseases  were. 

By  and  large  it  seems  to  have  been  accepted  that  most  winters  would  bring  the  cycle 
of  infectious  diseases,  causing  many  deaths  among  the  children.  This  was  expected  to  the 
extent  that  most  correspondents  did  not  even  mention  children  in  their  lists  of  deaths  in  the 
community.  Those  who  did  include  them  never  mentioned  them  by  Christian  name. 

The  winter  of  1 888-1 889  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  worst  for  the  young  citizens 
of  the  South  Russian  Mennonite  colonies. 


64 


Sources: 

Correspondent,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  15  January  1882,  p  1 
Correspondent,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  19  December  1888,  p  1 
Dueck,  Bernhard,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  3  April  1 889,  p  1 
Enns,  Jakob,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  20  March  1889,  p  1 
Ens,  Isaak,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  20  March  1 889,  p  1 
Neufeld,  Jakob,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  27  February  1 889,  p  9 
News  Reports,  Nebraska  Ansiedler,  May  1880,  p  3 
Sudermann,  Johann,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  13  Mar  1889,  p  1 

Background  Information: 

Worldwide  Epidemics 

Diphtheria 

Scarlet  Fever 


WORLDWIDE  EPIDEMICS 


There  was  also  considerable  disease  in  other  areas  of  Russia,  not  only  in  the  Mennonite 
colonies.  Odessa  was  a  large  port  on  the  Black  Sea,  south  and  west  of  the  major  colonies.  The 
Odesser  Zeitung  regularly  announced  cases  of  infectious  diseases  diagnosed  by  the  department  of 
health  in  the  city.  In  a  three  week  period  of  late  October  early  November  1888  there  were  24  cases 
of  diphtheria  and  18  of  scarlet  fever,  many  resulting  in  death. 

Diphtheria  was  also  a  worldwide  epidemic  disease,  as  shown  by  news  items  from  other 
regions  of  the  world.  The  July  1,  1881  Mennonitische  Rundschau  carried  a  news  item  from 
Minnesota  surrounded  by  a  black  border.  It  announced  the  deaths  of  12  children  from  diphtheria, 
varying  in  age  from  three  to  twenty  years.  Nine  were  girls,  three  boys.  The  Isaak  Dueck  family  lost 
five  children  within  five  days. 


Sources: 

News  Item,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  1  July  1881,  p  3 

News  Items,  Odesser  Zeitung,  28  October  [November  9]  1888,  p  3;  10[22]  November  1888,  p  3 
17[29]  November  1888,  p  3 


65 


DIPHTHERIA 


Diphtheria  is  an  acute  communicable  disease  caused  by  a  bacterium  -  Corynebacterium 
diphtheriae.  This  organism  chiefly  infects  the  respiratory  tract  where  it  causes  inflammation  in  the 
region  of  the  tonsils,  pharynx  and  larynx  [throat,  including  the  voice-box].  An  exudate  [fluid]  is 

formed  by  these  inflamed  tissues,  which  hardens  to  form 
an  adherent  greyish  membrane,  in  time  gradually  closing 
off  the  respiratory  passages,  making  it  harder  and  harder  to 
breathe.  There  are  also  skin  changes,  with  deep  punched 
out  ulcers.  The  infecting  bacteria  often  produce  a  toxin 
[poisonous  substance]  which  can  cause  myocarditis 
[inflammation  of  the  heart  muscle]  resulting  in  heart 
failure,  also  neuritis  which  can  involve  the  cranial  nerves 
[nerves  around  the  face  and  neck]  and  peripheral  nerves 
[nerves  going  to  the  limbs]. 

Humans  are  the  only  natural  reservoir  for  the 
diphtheria  organism.  Spread  is  by  close  contact  via 
droplets  from  breathing,  or  direct  contact  with  throat 
secretions  or  skin  ulcers.  Unfortunately  the  organism  can 
live  up  to  six  months  outside  the  body,  so  dust  and  other  particles  can  carry  it.  People  actually 
immune  to  the  disease  may  still  carry  the  bacteria  and  spread  it  to  those  who  are  not  immune. 
Epidemics  are  commonly  in  winter  possibly  due  to  more  crowded  conditions  in  that  season. 
Incubation  period  [time  from  contact  with  the  organism  until  disease  develops]  is  one  to  seven  days. 
Two  to  five  year  old  children  are  the  most  commonly  affected.  Should  the  disease  be  severe  enough 
to  be  fatal,  death  most  often  occurs  by  suffocation,  sometimes  as  a  result  of  heart  failure. 

Once  the  disease  has  started  current  treatment  is  directed  toward  neutralizing  the  toxin 
[using  horse  produced  antitoxin],  eliminating  the  organism  [using  antibiotics,  penicillin  and 
erythromycin],  supportive  care  [ensuring  an  airway  and  monitoring  the  heart  and  nerve  functions], 
and  preventing  further  transmission  [isolation  until  follow  up  cultures  grow  no  organisms]. 

The  most  effective  treatment,  prevention  of  diphtheria,  is  possible  because  of  a  series  of 
discoveries  made  in  the  late  nineteenth  century.  Klebs  first  described  the  bacteria  in  1883.  In  1884 
Loeffler  proved  that  Corynebacterium  diphtheriae  caused  the  disease  diphtheria,  growing  the 
organism  from  the  throats  of  sick  people.  The  effect  of  the  toxin  which  travelled  to  the  rest  of  the 
body  was  proven  in  1 888  by  Roux  and  Yersin.  These  investigations  led  to  the  development  of  active 
immunization  by  a  neutralized  toxin  [1913]  and  then  a  toxoid  [formalin  treated  toxin],  which  were 
the  basis  for  the  near  eradication  of  the  widespread  disease.  Vaccination  with  the  diphtheria  toxoid 
was  first  introduced  in  the  1 920s  and  1 930s;  in  most  western  countries  diphtheria  has  been  virtually 
eliminated.  In  the  United  States  there  were  147,991  cases  in  1920, 15,536  in  1940,  and  only  40  cases 
between  1980  and  1993.  In  time  vaccine  produced  immunity  wanes,  so  that  revaccination  of  adults 
may  be  necessary. 

Obviously  the  nature  of  the  disease  was  not  understood  when  the  epidemics  spread  through 
the  Mennonite  colonies  in  the  1 880s.  There  was  no  active  treatment  given.  The  only  measure  which 
may  have  helped  control  epidemics  was  the  closure  of  schools,  which  was  mentioned  on  a  number 
of  occasions.  Whether  the  schools  closed  to  prevent  the  spread  of  disease,  or  simply  because  there 
were  not  enough  students  to  keep  them  running  efficiently  is  not  clear. 


Corynebacterium  diphtheriae 
[the  small  dark  objects] 


66 


Sources: 

Hardy,  Iain  R.  B.,  Diphtheria  in  Cecil  Textbook  of  Medicine,  W.  B.  Saunders  Company, 

20  th  Edition,  1996,  pp  1629-30 

Hoeprich,  Paul  D.,  Diphtheria  in  Infectious  Diseases,  J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia, 
5th  Edition,  1994,  pp  373-380 

McClatchey,  Kenneth  D.,  Clinical  Laboratory  Medicine,  Williams  and  Wilkins,  1994,  p  1 125 


SCARLET  FEVER 


Scarlet  fever  is  an  acute  streptococcal  infection  that  may  be  localized  to  the  respiratory 
tract,  skin  and  soft  tissues.  During  the  last  30  to  40  years  outbreaks  in  the  western  world  have  been 
fairly  mild,  but  in  the  latter  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  mortality  rates  of 25-35%  were  common. 

There  is  usually  an  initial  sore  throat,  soon  becoming  extremely  hyperemic  [red  due  to 
inflammation  and  increased  blood  flow]  and  swollen.  The  whole  area,  including  throat,  tonsils  and 

neck  lymph  nodes  become  inflamed.  There  is 
marked  fever,  headache,  delirium  and  there  may 
be  convulsions.  Within  24-48  hours  there  is  a 
reddish  rash,  beginning  on  the  trunk,  spreading 
to  the  limbs,  but  typically  not  involving  the  area 
around  the  mouth.  There  may  be  septic  scarlet 
fever  where  there  is  local  invasion  of  tissues 
mainly  about  the  neck,  with  airway  obstruction, 
ear  infection,  inflammation  of  the  lining  of  the 
brain,  mastoid  infection  and  possibly 
pneumonia.  Patients  often  succumb  after  two  or 
three  weeks.  Toxic  scarlet  fever  moves  more 
rapidly,  with  severe  fever  and  uncontrolled 
convulsions  commonly  causing  death  within  24 
hours. 

Current  therapy  consists  of  early  and 
massive  antibiotic  treatment,  the  streptococci  being  effectively  killed  by  penicillin.  Supportive 
treatment  such  as  monitoring  breathing  is  also  carried  out.  In  the  1 880s  antibiotics  were,  of  course, 
not  available.  Penicillin  was  first  discovered  in  1 929,  and  did  not  come  into  use  for  approximately 
another  decade  after  that. 


\ 

<  ^ 
t,  , 

ft 

Streptococci 

Organisms  are  the  dark  chains 
Large  spheres  are  red  blood  cells 


Sources: 

McClatchey,  Kenneth  D.,  Clinical  Laboratory  Medicine,  Williams  and  Wilkins,  1994,  p  1 1 18 
Scarlet  Fever  in  Infectious  Diseases,  J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia,  5th  Edition,  1994, 
pp  354-355 

Streptococcal  Infections  in  Cecil  Textbook  of  Medicine,  W.  B.  Saunders  Company,  20th  Edition, 
1996,  p  1587 


67 


14.  SAENGERFEST  IN  RUECKENAU 
MAY  29, 1894 


Congregational  singing  in  the  Mennonite  colonies  of  Russia  in  the  late  1 800s  was 
loaded  with  tradition.  For  those  from  outside  the  colonies,  however,  or  those  with  exposure 
to  other  influences,  it  likely  left  much  to  be  desired.  If  current  Old  Colony  “singing”  gives 
us  any  clue  as  to  how  it  sounded,  it  was  probably  in  unison,  directed  by  a  Vorsaenger, 
unaccompanied,  with  a  penetrating  nasal  quality,  incredibly  slow  and  impossible  to 
understand.  But  there  were  signs  of  improvement.  The  establishment  of  the  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church  in  1 860  brought  with  it  a  whole  new  set  of  lively  hymns,  new  songbooks 
and  a  changed  attitude  to  music.  Some  of  the  Kirchliche  churches,  though  at  first 
grudgingly  [one  choir  was  for  a  time  banned  to  the  back  benches  near  the  door],  eventually 
had  choirs.  By  1 890  many  of  the  Molotschna  churches  had  choirs  which  sang  at  the  Sunday 
morning  service. 

Somewhat  preceding  the  developments  in  Russia,  there  was  an  upsurge  of  singing 
in  Germany,  particularly  in  the  churches.  There  were  numerous  song  festivals  and 
workshops,  for  singers  and  choir  directors.  The  Christlicher  Saengerbund  [Society  of 
Christian  Singers]  was  organized  in  1879.  In  ten  years  it  grew  to  include  500  choirs,  and 
a  total  of  12,000  singers,  in  Germany,  Switzerland,  the  Netherlands,  Russia,  England, 
Sweden,  France,  North  America  and  Australia.  The  official  publication  of  this  organization 
was  Saengergruss,  which  by  1885  was  an  eight  page  monthly. 

On  May  30, 1 889  the  choirs  ofthe  Christliche  Saengerbund  within  Russia  organized 
into  a  separate  Russische  Saengervereinigung.  Initially  there  were  26  choirs,  540  singers. 
In  1 876  Friedrich  Schweiger  became  conductor  of  a  very  dedicated  and  well  rehearsed  choir 
at  Zyrardow  in  Russian  Poland,  and  in  time  he  also  became  the  chairman  of  the  Russische 
Saengervereinigung.  Likely  through  this  organization  and  Saengergruss,  Schweiger 
became  known  to  a  number  of  Mennonite  musicians. 

A  Saengerfest  had  been  held  in  Rueckenau  on  May  30,1 893,  in  which  seven  choirs 
had  participated,  with  120  singers  and  about  2,000  guests.  Now,  upon  the  invitation  of 
Elder  David  Schellenberg  of  Rueckenau,  Isaak  Bom  [later  to  publish  an  edition  of 
Liederperlen ]  and  Bernhard  Dueck  [choir  conductor  at  Friedensfeld],  Schweiger  was  asked 
to  conduct  the  second,  presumably  bigger  and  better,  Saengerfest  to  be  held  in  Rueckenau 
on  May  29,  1894.  Preparations  were  made  to  obtain  maximal  benefit  from  Schweiger’s 
expertise. 

Schweiger  himself  described  the  events  in  a  lengthy  report  to  Zionsbote.  He,  his 
wife  and  two  youngest  children  set  off  on  May  3,  travelling  from  Zyrardow  in  Poland  to 
southern  Russia  by  train.  The  expected  48  hour  trip  from  Warsaw  for  some  reason  stretched 
to  72  long  hours.  After  recuperating  for  one  week  Schweiger  proceeded  to  visit  as  many 
choirs  as  possible  to  do  preparatory  work.  He  commented  that  it  was  regrettable  that  the 
Mennonite  colonies  were  so  widely  scattered.  A  twelve  hour  train  ride  brought  him  to  his 
initial  destination,  Memrik.  The  first  practice  was  the  following  afternoon,  Saturday,  at  the 
church  in  Kotlyarevka.  A  large  number  of  singers  from  the  colony  attended  the  two  hour 


68 


session,  where  special  attention  was  paid  to  enunciation  and  correct  pronunciation.  Then 
followed  a  four  hour  wagon  trip,  where  one  and  all  rode  to  Alexanderpol,  a  village  of  the 
Memrik  Colony  a  considerable  distance  to  the  east.  Schweiger  bravely  attended  the  regular 
Sunday  service,  which  also  included  ordination  of  two  deacons  and  a  prayer  meeting.  In 
the  afternoon  testimonies  of  five  baptismal  candidates  were  heard,  followed  by  acceptance 
into  the  church.  After  that  Schweiger  held  a  choir  practice,  the  singers  being  joined  by  a 
group  from  Kronstadt. 

Monday  morning  it  was  off  by  train  to  Alexanderheim,  where  he  held  two  practices, 
then  he  travelled  on  to  Andreasfeld.  Here  Schweiger  met  Aron  Sawatzky,  a  very  good 
musician  and  skilled  conductor.  In  Andreasfeld  there  were  three  practice  sessions,  two  of 
which  were  also  attended  by  a  choir  from  Ebenfeld.  Schweiger  was  delighted  by  the 
enthusism  and  talent  of  the  participants.  Accompanied  by  Elder  Epp,  he  next  took  a 
steamboat  to  Friedensfeld,  where  he  attended  the  annual  church  meetings.  The  choir  at 
Friedensfeld,  led  by  Bernhard  Dueck,  was  making  good  progress,  but  in  the  opinion  of 
Schweiger  still  had  much  to  learn.  He  remarked  that  choir  members  were  quite  young  -  he 
himself  preferred  a  mix  with  older  people,  provided  that  they  were  still  willing  to  accept 
advice!  The  Sunday  service,  which  included  five  sermons,  was  a  time  of  blessing,  and,  he 
hastens  to  add,  was  not  too  long  for  anyone  [was  aber  niemanden  zu  viel  war\.  This  was 
proven  by  the  well  attended  evening  service  later  that  day.  Schweiger  held  two  practices 
in  Friedensfeld. 

Then  it  was  off  to  Rueckenau.  The  sanctuary,  seating  capacity  of  1,200,  was 
enlarged  to  2,000  with  wooden  additions.  Schweiger  was  astonished  by  the  beautiful 
villages  in  the  region,  and  was  very  thankful  that  he  was  taken  to  visit  the  School  for  the 
Deaf  and  Dumb  in  Tiege.  He  held  a  practice  on  Thursday,  May  26,  in  the  afternoon,  even 
though  it  was  Ascension  Day.  On  Saturday,  May  28,  there  were  full  scale  rehearsals  in  the 
morning  and  afternoon.  In  the  evening  Schweiger  met  with  the  conductors  to  give  them 
special  instruction;  he  also  advised  them  to  form  a  South  Russian  association  of  singers. 
This  association  could  promote  choral  music  in  various  ways  -  by  arranging  songfests, 
holding  conductors’  workshops  and  having  annual  meetings. 

Sunday,  May  29,  found  the  sanctuary  jammed  with  enthusiastic  singers  and  an 
attentive  audience,  from  early  in  the  morning  until  late  in  the  evening.  Total  attendance 
was  about  2,500,  of  which  300  were  singers.  In  all  there  were  eleven  choirs  present: 
Andreasfeld,  Reinfeld,  Ebenfeld,  Memrik,  Friedensfeld,  Waldheim,  Alexanderthal, 
Rosenort,  Sparrau,  Rueckenau  [all  Mennonite  Brethren],  and  Gnadenfeld  [Mennonite  or 
Kirchliche ].  On  the  yard  was  room  for  200  buggies.  Some  participants  had  travelled  200 
verst  to  be  there;  there  were  even  some  singers  from  the  Kuban. 

At  six  o’clock  in  the  morning,  bright  and  early,  breakfast  was  served,  then  a 
planning  session  to  outline  the  specifics  of  the  program.  Thereafter  a  prayer  meeting  was 
led  by  J.  Reimer,  followed  by  a  greeting  from  the  local  elder,  David  Schellenberg.  Then 
followed  the  program,  with  alternating  choral  presentations  and  sermons.  Usually  the 
singing  included  six  to  eight  individual  choirs,  then  the  mass  choir.  The  first  sermon  was 
by  Friedrich  Brauer  of  Zyrardow,  focusing  on  God’s  call  for  mankind  to  come  to  him.  The 
second  sermon  was  delivered  by  Wilhelm  Neufeld  of  Gnadenfeld,  emphasizing  that  the 


69 


text,  the  message  of  the  song  was  of  primary  importance,  the  melody  was  secondary. 

Lunch  took  two  and  a  half  hours,  about  2,000  people  were  served  coffee  and  buns. 
The  two  hour  afternoon  program  had  a  schedule  similar  to  the  morning,  with  alternating 
singing  and  preaching.  The  two  sermons  were  by  K.  Unruh  of  Tiege,  who,  using  Psalm  98, 
emphasized  the  importance  of  Christian  choral  music,  and  K.  Neufeld  of  Kronstadt,  who 
spoke  about  the  year  of  the  jubilee.  Following  the  late  afternoon  snack  [  Vesper ]  many 
turned  towards  home,  but  most  returned  to  the  sanctuary,  rain  having  made  the  roads 
treacherous.  They  continued  to  sing  well  into  the  evening.  Altogether  about  50  numbers 
were  sung  that  day! 

In  assessing  the  situation  Schweiger  seemed  well  satisfied.  Singing  was  enthusistic, 
and  there  were  many  people  with  good  voices.  The  Zahlsystem  [ Ziffern ,  musical  notation 
by  numbers,  which  his  own  choir  in  Zyrardow  also  used]  stood  them  in  good  stead,  the 
singers  having  “ viel  Treffsicherheit ”  [could  read  notes  well].  The  Gnadenfeld  and 
Friedensfeld  choirs  had  excellent  directors,  some  of  the  others  could  stand  more 
improvement.  Many  would  benefit  greatly  by  reading  the  publication  Saengergruss. 

When  Schweiger  and  his  family  arrived  home  safe  and  sound,  he  expressed 
gratefulness  for  the  experience  and  the  blessings  he  had  received. 

It  is  intriguing  that  a  musician  who  spent  much  time  in  travel,  then  many  hours 
rehearsing,  followed  by  tremendous  effort  on  one  big  day  of  conducting,  would,  in  his 
report,  mention  the  texts  and  contents  of  the  sermons  preached,  but  not  even  once  hint  at 
any  of  the  choral  works  that  were  sung.  He  was  a  very  dedicated  Christian,  and  felt  that  the 
importance  of  music  was  to  lead  people  to  faith,  but  one  still  cannot  help  but  wish  that  he 
would  have  given  us  more  specific  information  as  to  the  songs  which  were  used  for  this 
very  vital  function. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music ,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985, 
pp  16-23 

Letkemann,  Peter,  The  Christlicher  Saengerbund  and  Mennonite  Choral  Singing  in  Russia, 
Mennonite  Life,  December  1986,  pp  4-10 
News  Report,  Saengergruss,  September  1893,  p  69 

Schweiger,  Friedrich,  Ein  Besuch  unter  den  Saengern  in  Russland,  Zionsbote,  26  September  1894, 
PP  3,4 


Background  Information: 

Friedrich  Schweiger 
Aron  Sawatzky 


70 


FRIEDRICH  SCHWEIGER 

[1856-1925] 

Conductor  of  the  Saengerfest  in  Rueckenau 
May  29,  1894 

Friedrich  Schweiger  played  an  important  part  in  determining  the  shape  and  direction  of 
Mennonite  choral  development  in  Russia.  This  occurred  to  a  considerable  degree  through  his 
contacts  with  Mennonite  musicians  such  as  Bernhard  Dueck,  Isaak  Bom,  Aron  Sawatzky,  Wilhelm 
Dyck  and  Johann  Froese,  mainly  between  1886  and  1914. 

Little  is  known  of  Schweiger’ s  early  life,  but  he  was  among  the  students  of  Karl  Truderung. 
Truderung  founded  the  Zionschor  of  the  German  Baptist  church  in  Zyrardow,  Russian  Poland,  in 
1871.  He  was  a  local  teacher  who  began  giving  instructions  to  a  group  of  young  students,  likely 
utilizing  quite  substantially  the  writings  of  and  direct  contact  with  Ernst  Gebhardt.  In  this 
instruction  Truderung  began  teaching  the  use  of  Ziffern  to  his  choir  in  1873.  In  1 876  Schweiger, 
then  only  20  years  of  age,  took  over  the  choir,  and  in  1 88 1  the  Zionschor  became  a  member  of  the 
Christlicher  Saengerbund.  In  1887  the  pastor  of  the  church,  Karl  Ondra,  died.  He  had  been 
director  of  the  Russian  Choral  Association  [Russische  Saengervereinigung ],  a  task  which  now 
passed  on  to  Schweiger.  He  continued  to  give  strong  leadership  in  this  capacity  until  his  death  in 
1925. 

Schweiger  was  connected  to  the  Mennonites  through  the  Russian  Choral  Association,  but 
also  through  his  wife,  a  Mennonite,  whose  maiden  name  was  Wedel.  She  had  a  brother  who  lived 
in  the  Molotschna;  apparently  he  was  the  initial  link  between 
Schweiger  and  Bernhard  Dueck,  conductor  of  the  church  choir 
of  Friedensfeld.  The  Schweigers  had  at  least  three  children, 
since  they  took  “the  two  youngest”  on  their  trip  to  the 
Molotschna. 

A  tradition  of  song  festivals  and  conductors’  workshops 
had  been  established  in  Germany,  then  in  Russian  Poland.  The 
first  Saengerfest  of  the  Russian  Choral  Association  was  held  in 
Zyrardow  in  1886,  likely  with  annual  repeats  in  that  region  of 
Poland.  The  typical  format  of  having  alternating  sermons  and 
choral  presentations  seems  to  have  been  accepted  for  the  song 
festivals,  and  was  duly  reported  in  Saengergruss .  There  were 
also  annual  conductors’  workshops,  again  establishing  a  certain 
routine  of  operation.  The  first  Mennonite  to  attend  Schweiger’s 
seminar  was  Bernhard  Dueck,  early  in  1 894.  Aron  Sawatzky  of 
Andreasfeld  attended  in  1895,  then  Dueck  again  and  Wilhelm 
Dyck,  also  of  Andreasfeld,  were  there  in  1901.  Both  the  song  festival  and  the  workshop  formats 
were  copied  with  very  little  variation  when  they  were  implemented  in  South  Russia. 

Friedrich  Schweiger  likely  killed  two  birds  with  one  stone  when  he  accepted  the  invitation 
to  conduct  a  Saengerfest  in  Rueckenau  in  May  of  1 894.  He  first  visited  his  Wedel  relatives  in  the 
Molotschna,  then  went  to  work  to  rehearse  choirs  in  various  Mennonite  colonies,  then  conduct  the 
final  performance  on  May  29. 

Probably  due  to  anti-German  feelings  in  Russia  at  the  time  most  Mennonite  choirs 
withdrew  from  the  Russische  Saengervereinigung  in  1908.  Despite  this  setback  Schweiger 
continued  with  his  faithful  work,  even  reporting  the  association  news  through  the  Mennonite 


Friedrich  Schweiger 


71 


publication  Friedensstimme  as  late  as  1912  and  1913. 

Friedrich  Schweiger  was  known  for  his  devotion  to  God,  for  his  love  of  fellow  Christians, 
and  his  dedication  to  excellence  in  choral  music.  There  is  no  doubt  that  he  had  a  profound  and 
lasting  influence  on  Russian  Mennonite  choral  music,  much  of  this  influence  later  being  transported 
to  North  America,  particularly  Canada. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  With  Music ,  Hyperion  Press,  Winnipeg,  Canada,1985,  pp  22,  23,  48 
Challier,  A.,  Letter,  Dirigentenkurs,  Saengergruss,  March  1894,  p  22 
Dueck,  Bernhard,  Letter,  Die  erste  Reise  eines  Dirigenten  aus  Suedrussland  nach  Polen , 
Saengergruss,  May  1894,  pp  37,  38 

Letkemann,  Peter,  The  Christlicher  Saengerbund  and  Mennonite  Choral  singing  in  Russia , 
Mennonite  Life,  December  1986,  pp  5-10 
Sawatzky,  Aron,  Von  meiner  Reise  nach  Polen,  Zionsbote,  24  April  1895,  pp  2,  3 
Schweiger,  Friedrich.  Ein  Besuch  unter  den  Saegern  in  Russland,  Zionsbote,  26  September  1894, 
PP  3,  4 


72 


ARON  GERHARD  SAWATZKY 
[1871-1935] 

Conductor  of  the  Andreasfeld  choir,  which 
participated  in  the  Saengerfest  in  Rueckenau,  May  29,  1894 

Aron  Gerhard  Sawatzky  was  bom  on  May  24,  1 871  in  Andreasfeld,  a  village  just  east  and 
slightly  to  the  north  of  the  Chortitza  Colony.  His  father  was  Gerhard  J.  Sawatzky;  Aron  was  the 
first  son  of  his  second  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Elder  Aron  Lepp.  Altogether  Aron  had  14 
siblings,  of  whom  four  died  in  infancy. 

First  faith  came  to  Aron  at  the  age  of  five,  then  conversion  at  the  age  of  eight.  He  was 
baptized  and  joined  the  Andreasfeld  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  at  the  age  of  twelve  on  May  26, 
1883. 

On  September  19,  1891,  at  the  age  of  20,  Aron  married  Elisabeth  Niessen,  daughter  of 
Wilhelm  Niessen  of  Kronstadt.  Grandfather  Aron  Lepp  performed  the  wedding  ceremony.  The 
couple  had  twelve  children,  five  sons  and  seven  daughters. 

Music  came  easily  to  Aron;  he  played  band  music  from  the  age  of  fourteen.  At  the  age  of 
22  he  was  elected  choir  director  of  his  church,  a  special  challenge  since  none  of  the  choir  members 

were  saved  at  the  time.  Aron  must  have  dealt  with  this 
problem  successfully,  since  he  later  could  say  “But  the  Lord 
of  the  Harvest  was  faithful  and  the  whole  choir  accepted 
Christ.”  He  was  also  able  to  instill  dedication  and  musical 
excellence  into  the  choir.  When  Friedrich  Schweiger  came 
to  Andreasfeld  for  preliminary  choir  practices  prior  to  the 
Saengerfest  in  Rueckenau  in  May  of  1894,  he  found  Aron 
to  be  a  musically  talented  conductor  [ musikalisch 
angelegten  Dirigenten\.  The  Andreasfeld  choir  then 
participated  in  the  subsequent  Saengerfest. 

The  church  thought  well  enough  of  Aron  to  send 
him  to  attend  a  choral  conductors’  seminar  in  Zyrardow, 
Russian  Poland,  in  early  1 895.  He  was  somewhat  reluctant 
to  go  because  he  would  miss  a  Bible  conference  at  his  home 
church,  but  came  to  the  conclusion  that  both  he  and  the 
church  would  benefit  from  the  trip.  The  purpose  of  the 
workshop,  Sawatzky  said,  was  to  gain  knowledge  about 
singing  so  as  to  be  able  to  educate  singers.  Schweiger  and 
Stiller  were  instructors,  but  Gebhard’s  Gesangschule 
seemed  to  be  the  basis  of  most  of  the  teaching.  Much  effort 
was  expended  during  those  days  to  learn  proper  conducting,  to  learn  to  understand  the  underlying 
meaning  of  songs,  and  techniques  to  teach  the  choir  proper  diction  and  phrasing.  Upon  conclusion 
of  the  seminar  Aron  spent  a  few  days  in  Lodz,  where  he  had  additional  training,  then  he  took  the 
long  journey  home. 

After  this  learning  experience  Aron  continued  to  lead  the  choir  in  his  own  church,  but  also 
participated  in  song  festivals  and  workshops  throughout  southern  Russia,  and  wrote  articles  about 
singing  in  the  Mennonite  periodicals. 

In  1903  the  Sawatzkys  with  six  children  emigrated  to  Canada.  They  crossed  Europe  by 
train,  then  departed  from  Bremen  on  the  ship  Kaiser  Wilhelm  der  Grosse.  Landing  in  New  York, 


AronG.  Sawatzky  [1871-1935] 


73 


they  travelled  via  Chicago  and  St.  Paul  to  Rosthem.  The  Sawatzkys  eventually  homesteaded  in 
Aberdeen,  Saskatchewan.  Initially  times  were  rough,  “Our  visitors  were  mosquitos  at  night  and 
deer  and  field  mice  in  the  day  time.  These  were  very  busy  days  and  much  of  the  work  was  new  to 
us...”  Despite  hard  work  on  the  homestead  Aron  continued  to  pursue  his  musical  interests.  Two 
years  after  arrival  he  was  asked  to  begin  a  study  of  church  music.  He  started  with  a  song  festival, 
and  later  a  choir  conductors’  seminar.  Soon  further  invitations  followed;  he  went  to  Herbert  and 
Hepburn  in  Saskatchewan,  to  Manitoba,  Nebraska,  Minnesota,  North  Dakota,  Kansas  and 
Oklahoma. 

Aron  was  also  active  in  publishing  helps  for  conductors  and  choirs.  Beginning  in  1 9 1 1  and 
until  at  least  1922  he  was  editor  of  Saenger-Bote ,  the  official  publication  of  the  Christlicher 
Saengerbund  der  Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde  von  Nord  America.  It  appeared  monthly,  and  on 
a  number  of  occasions  printed  articles  by  Sawatzky,  usually  about  some  fine  points  of  choral  music, 
such  as  proper  pronunciation  of  the  text. 

Aron  Sawatzky  is  probably  best  known  for  the  many  hymns  he  composed.  The  Saenger- 
Bote  often  included  scores  of  hymns  he  had  composed,  as  did  Lieder-Quelle,  which  appeared 
quarterly  in  1929  and  1930.  In  1915  a  separate  collection  of  hymns  was  published,  also  called 
Saenger-Bote ,  of  which  nearly  half  of  the  1 63  numbers  were  composed  by  Aron.  He  had  written 
the  text  as  well  in  at  least  28  of  his  compositions.  Sawatzky  composed  gospel  style  hymns, 
generally  simple,  and  very  singable.  Three  of  his  hymns  were  included  in  Gesangbuch  [published 
by  the  General  Conference  of  Mennonite  Brethren  Churches  in  1952],  For  Glaube  einfach  jeden 
Tag  he  composed  the  music  only,  but  for  Wenn  wir  von  dieser  Erde  and  O  Fest,  alter  heiligen 
Feste  he  also  wrote  the  text.  The  subsequent  Worship  Hymnal  [1971]  retained  only  Hail,  Heavenly 
Night,  the  English  translation  of  O  Fest,  aller  heiligen  Feste. 

Aron  also  did  a  considerable  amount  of  writing.  He  described  his  trip  to  Zyrardow  in  great 
detail,  but  also  wrote  more  general  articles  about  singing  which  were  published  in  Zionsbote.  Later 
when  his  interests  diversified,  he  wrote  on  a  wide  range  of  subjects;  from  1920  to  1935  Zionsbote 
published  47  of  his  articles  and  reports. 

While  in  Aberdeen  the  Sawatzkys  experienced  some  tragedy  in  the  loss  of  four  children, 
three  boys  and  one  girl.  As  he  did  in  his  writing,  Aron  also  changed  the  focus  of  some  of  his 
activities  while  they  lived  in  Aberdeen.  He  was  first  asked  to  preach  in  1912,  and  continued  this 
ministry  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 

In  1 920  the  Sawatzkys  moved  to  California,  first  settling  in  Lodi,  then  Livingston,  Shatter, 
then  again  Lodi,  followed  by  Winton.  When  the  leader  of  the  church  moved  away  from  Winton, 
Aron  was  elected  to  that  post  in  1 928.  He  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  in  1 930,  R.  P.  Rempel  and 
H.  W.  Lohrenz  officiating.  In  1933  there  seemed  to  be  trouble  in  the  Winton  church,  so  Aron 
withdrew  from  the  leadership.  The  Sawatzkys  moved  to  Shatter,  where  Aron  continued  to  preach 
and  compose. 

In  the  middle  of  the  night  of  July  11,  1935,  Aron  suddenly  awoke  and  said  “Oh,  how 
wonderful!  Oh,  how  wonderful!”  This  awakened  his  wife,  Elisabeth.  When  she  asked  what  was 
so  wonderful  he  requested  a  pen  and  paper,  and  that  he  not  be  disturbed.  With  bright  shining  eyes 
he  wrote  down  words  and  notes.  Elisabeth  continued  “  At  Heaven’s  gate  he  saw  the  Lord,  whom 
he  loved,  and  behind  him  a  chorus  of  radiant  singers,  who  were  singing  the  song  in  heavenly 
harmony.”  This  song,  Mein  Heim  [My  Home],  was  published  for  his  funeral  a  few  months  later. 

On  Sunday,  November  10,  Aron  preached  in  the  Shatter  church,  his  last  sermon.  On 
Tuesday,  November  12,  a  banquet  was  held  to  honour  the  choir  conductor  and  any  new  choir 
members.  Aron  had  written  some  music  for  the  occasion  which  was  sung  by  a  quartet. 

Aron  had  some  heart  problems  since  about  1 932,  and  was  advised  not  to  exert  himself.  But 
his  attitude  was  “  It  would  be  so  nice  if  the  Lord  called  me  while  I  am  working.”  He  was  unloading 


74 


furniture  when  he  suddenly  cried  out.  He  fell  gently,  and  died  on  November  18,  1935.  He  was  64 
years,  five  months  and  24  days  old. 

Aron’s  funeral  was  at  the  Shatter  church  on  November  24, 1935.  Rev.  K.  G.  Neufeld  used 
Revelation  5:9  “And  they  sang  a  new  song”  as  his  text.  The  choir  sang  Aron’s  last  song  Mein 
Heim.  Rev.  N.  N.  Hiebert  preached  on  Revelation  15:1-3  “...and  sang  the  song  of  Moses  the 
servant  of  God  and  the  song  of  the  Lamb...”  William  Bestvater  read  the  obituary  in  English  and 
German,  and  conducted  the  grave  side  service. 

Aron  Sawatzky  made  a  considerable  impact  on  the  musical  development  among  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  in  Russia,  and  the  later  in  both  Canada  and  the  United  States.  This  is 
particularly  remarkable  in  that  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained  he  had  only  about  one  week  of  formal 
workshop  training.  He  was  certainly  talented  in  music  and  tremendously  dedicated.  His  hymns 
have,  for  a  considerable  period  of  time,  been  sung  by  and  have  blessed  many  people. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985 
pp  23,  26,  27, 48,  49,51-54,58,  65,66,  95,  108, 111-116,  124 
Funeral  Pamphlet,  Mein  Letztes  Lied,  1935 

Gesangbuch,  Bundeskonferenz  der  Mennoniten  Bruedergemeinde  von  Nord-Amerika,  Winnipeg, 
Manitoba,  and  Hillsboro,  Kansas,  1952,  hymns  number  78, 205,448 
Janzen,  H.  F.,  Letter,  Zionsbote,  4  December  1935,  p  6 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  p  121 

Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  Von  meiner  Reise  nach  Polen,  Zionsbote,  24  April  1895,  pp  2,  5 

Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  Gesang,  Zionsbote,  19  March  1902,  p  5 

Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  Begruessung,  Saenger-Bote,  1  June  1912,  p  1 

Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  Der  Gesang  in  der  Christlichen  Gemeinde,  Saenger-  Bote,  pp  5-7 

Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  Autobiography,  written  July,  1934 

Sawatzky,  Elisabeth,  Obituary  of  Aron  Sawatzky,  Zionsbote,  4  December  1935,  p  1 1 
Schweiger,  Friedrich,  Ein  Besuch  unter  den  Saengern  in  Russland,  Zionsbote, 

26  September  1894,  pp  3,  4 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  242, 249,  251 

Worship  Hymnal,  General  Conference  of  Mennonite  Brethren  Churches,  Fresno,  California, 
Hymn  number  126 

Zionsbote  Index,  Volume  2,  1920-1940,  Board  of  Christian  Literature,  General  Conference  of 
Mennonite  Brethren  Churches,  1983,  p  144 


75 


MEIN  HEIM 


Words  and  Music  by 
A.  G.  SAWATZKY. 
July  11,  1936. 


Dort  werd  -  «  ich  aoth  einat  ein  -  geh’n,  wanni  raw  -  nom  Heim  ge  -  faellt 

Das  Er  be  -  reit  •  et  selbat  fuer  mich;  dort  Bchwin-det  je  -  de  Nacht. 

Und  von  uni  f!ie  -  het  Schmen  und  Not  und  je  .  de  Trau  -  rig  -  Weit 


Hi  -  nie  -  den  ist  das  Truen  -  en  -  tai,  doch  drob  •  er  lit  der  Freud  -  en  -  sail  Scbcn 

Dort  werd  ich  Je  -  su  Ant  -  titz  seh'n  und  mein  *  e  Lieh  -  en  wie  •  der  -  aehn.  0, 

Dm  ist  der  Qrt,  wo  Je  -  sus  wohnt;  das  Heim,  da  -  rait  Er  drob  -  an  Johnt  Diw 


win  -  ken  Him  -  mels  Lied  -  cr  hier,  von  dies  •  er  Heim  -  at  mir. 

welch  ein  Troat  in  dies  •  er  Zeit,  ea  naht  die  E  ■  wig  -  k«t 

steig  •  ert  mein  •  e  Sehn  -  sucht  hier.  Bald,  bald,  bin  Ich  bei  dir. 


The  last  hymn  composed  by  Aron  Sawatzky 


15.  CHORAL  CONDUCTORS’  WORKSHOP 
IN  FRIEDENSFELD 
DECEMBER  28  -  31,  1894 

The  first  Choral  Conductors’  Workshop  held  by  Mennonites 
in  South  Russia 

Bernhard  B.  Dueck,  conductor  of  the  choir  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of 
Friedensfeld,  South  Russia,  obviously  loved  good  music,  especially  choral  music. 

Some  years  earlier,  in  1879,  the  Christlicher  Saengerbund  [Society  of  Christian 
Singers]  had  been  organized  in  Germany,  in  time  having  membership  in  many  countries, 
including  Russia.  In  1 889  a  separate  national  association  was  formed,  Russische  Saenger- 
vereinigung  [Russian  Association  of  Singers].  In  time  Friedrich  Schweiger,  conductor  of 
an  excellent  choir  in  Zyrardow,  Russian  Poland,  became  its  chairman.  He  was  devoted  to 
God,  loved  fellow  Christians  and  was  dedicated  to  the  cause  of  Christian  choral  music. 
Through  the  Russische  Saengervereinigung,  and  the  official  publication  of  the  Saengerbund 
called  Saengergruss,  Bernhard  Dueck  as  well  as  other  Mennonite  musicians  such  as  Isaak 
Bom,  Aron  Sawatzky,  Wilhelm  Dyck  and  Johann  Froese  became  familiar  with  Schweiger 
and  his  work. 

Early  in  1 894  Dueck  travelled  the  200  miles  to  Zyrardow  to  participate  in  a  two  day 
workshop  put  on  by  Schweiger  for  choral  conductors.  He  must  have  been  impressed, 
because  later  that  year  he  himself  organized  a  workshop,  following  much  the  same  format. 

A  brief  report  of  this  first  Dirigenten  Versammlung  [Conductors’  Workshop  or 
Seminar]  of  South  Russia  written  by  Dueck  himself  was  published  in  Saengergruss.  A 
more  extensive  description  written  in  two  installments  by  Johann  Loewen,  then  of  Anadol, 
was  printed  in  Zionsbote. 

At  the  invitation  of  Bernhard  Dueck  a  total  of  1 8  conductors  arrived  in  Friedensfeld 
to  begin  their  seminar  on  December  28,  1894.  Loewen  lamented  the  fact  that  there  were 
only  1 8  present,  but  felt  that  some  may  have  been  reluctant  to  participate  because  they  had 
misconstrued  Dueck’s  motives.  Loewen  was  somewhat  embarrassed,  since  this  had  been 
his  own  fear  as  well.  Everyone  present,  however,  rapidly  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
Dueck’s  motives  were  beyond  reproach,  that  the  only  object  of  the  exercise  was  to  elevate 
or  improve  choral  singing,  both  of  choirs  and  congregations  of  Mennonite  churches. 

Proceedings  were  opened  with  greetings  by  Abram  Wall,  a  minister  of  the 
Friedensfeld  church.  Then  Bernhard  Dueck  was  unanimously  elected  to  lead  the 
workshop.  Dueck  read  the  minutes  of  the  seminar  he  had  attended  at  Zyrardow,  and  shared 
much  that  he  had  learned,  both  at  the  workshop  and  in  Friedensfeld.  The  rest  of  the 
participants  were  soon  convinced  that  there  was  still  much  to  learn  -  so  they  went  to  work! 

Since  all  registrants  were  conductors  their  first  topic  of  discussion  was  of  course 
conducting.  Apparently  the  difference  between  dirigieren  [conducting]  and  taktieren 
[beating  time]  was  not  a  new,  but  certainly  a  controversial  subject.  Ernst  Gebhard’s 
Gesangschule  and  an  article  from  Saengergruss  were  the  resource  materials  for  this 
discussion.  Even  more  contentious  was  the  conductor’s  baton;  it  was  said  that  “  In  our 


77 


churches  there  are  many  members  who  have  declared  war  on  the  conductor’s  baton...” 
The  group  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  choir  could  much  more  easily  interpret  the 
conductor  as  he  signalled  the  expression  and  volume  of  the  music  with  his  baton  than  any 
other  way.  Using  the  tuning  fork,  as  some  people  suggested,  just  would  not  do.  They  were 
quite  united  in  their  opinion  that  the  baton  was  superior,  and  encouraged  all  conductors  to 
follow  their  example;  the  delicious  fruit  would  demonstrate  the  efficacy  of  this  method. 

Possibly  even  a  more  contentious  problem  was  that  of  enunciation.  This  was 
summarized  quite  succinctly  by  Loewen:  “...a  song  will  not  be  of  benefit  if  the  listener 
cannot  understand  the  words  or  gather  the  contents.  How  often  has  a  choir  sung  a  Psalm 
or  a  hymn  where  the  listener  has  understood  hardly  a  word.  It  is  self  evident  that  this 
cannot  be  a  blessing.” 

Again  an  article  from  Saengergruss  was  used  as  resource.  Vowels  and  consonants 
were  equally  suspect.  It  is  "Gott”,  not  “Gatt"\  it  is  “Himmel",  not  “Hommel.  ”  Numerous 
other  habits  such  as  addition  of  extraneous  “h”s  and  “n”s  were  discussed.  Running  words 
together  was  also  a  problem,  for 
example:  “Hoeret  hoeret,  was  Er 
spricht  ”  becomes  “Hoeretoeret 
Wasser  spricht”.  The  latter  is  of 
course  unintelligible  nonsense. 

Also  important  in 
conveying  the  correct  message  of 
the  text  was  correct  breathing. 

Loewen  noted  that  “many  of  our 
singers  sing  as  loud  as  they  can 
until  they  run  out  of  air,  then  haul 
in  a  deep  breath,  often  in  such 
places  where  the  meaning  of  the 
song  is  destroyed  or  altered.  An 
example  is  song  No.  49  from 
Liederperlen.  In  the  first  stanza  it 
is  often  sung  ‘A  land  of  milk  and 
honey  at  Sinai’,  and  that  is  where 
the  breath  runs  out.”  But,  explains 
Loewen,  it  really  says  ‘A  land  of  milk  and  honey,  at  Sinai  do  not  stay.’  Choir  members 
should  study  the  text  well  enough  to  be  able  to  pronounce  and  phrase  it  properly.  The  group 
felt  that  their  concerted  effort  should  be  expended  to  eliminate  these  mistakes  from 
Christian  singing  as  soon  as  possible. 

But  technical  expertise  is  not  the  entire  answer.  After  considerable  discussion  it  was 
concluded  that  to  be  really  satisfactory,  singing  must  come  from  the  heart.  What  was  the 
purpose  of  the  choir  -  entertainment,  or  to  build  up  the  saints?  For  the  latter  to  occur  the 
singers  had  to  mean  what  they  sang.  The  saying  goes,  said  Loewen,  that  “What  comes  from 
the  heart,  goes  to  the  heart!”  In  this  regard  behaviour  of  the  choir  members  is  crucial.  They 
must  arrive  on  time,  and  know  which  music  will  be  sung.  They  should  not  noisily  page 


—  59  — 

As  dun-  * i,  49.  lUMufiftc  Sri. 

nit  )}<»«.  ' 

»■  4>,  *  *  »  4,|  1.  3  -Lljj  3-  «.  4.4.  »  ; 

RH-®: — — -S  —  ft  -j— tr. — 5 — ft—  5-j-5. — T— f — .  ,T — 1. — T  1 ..  ,7..j  7  g  g  _ 

■* |  —6--!-*.— ft  -b — f- r-7-**-j-4L--£ — $ — i  i  x  I 
n  6-th  1  -T-1  35-ji-  r  _ t  —  t  — j  3  i  ,...4  J 

1  31*1  MM  f}in  *  «*  jun  fcn-ja'*' (pin.  bn*  8a»b  i*oti  Wild)  u *t>  i)o  ■  am  .  na  .  i  milt  lan.gn  nkfit,  mo 

2.  «(»  mt  tost  nl$t  (fin  3«!  bn  ffitii . te Uanb,  aud,  [aQ •  l«l  iti>  au  3oi>bairi  nid)l 

3.  Bit  trod- in*  ftfgrt  find  kn  fdn  Buff  but#’*  re  -  it  38m,  jo  babul  rr  burtfi  wn  apr-ton  tudj  bm 

4.  hut  mil  ffllou.6fflf.fmt- Hu*  frit  $in4un$,  gonj  Sett  flclotify,  netjim  dn  b«»8anb,  bn*  nor  rutf»  ift.  mil 

5.  Jftin  tfa  •  no  *  ul  .  In  b«l  mflp  fllaj,  loan  3ecjvl  ««>  Jpn-Jfnl bai  unb  rrid)-ft  t?c*  blu^l 

b«4 Ite.no * an,  bfm.&njmeVim  oot!  fcMiig. 

, ,  »--T .  j:.||  a,.  ,._0 - „  J.  a  s 

Jr».--S-»-  >>  ,,*.-18*37  OlaT|7,  0  3  '  7  | 

I,*.  B  -t. t-TT»l  :  I.  T  T.  I  Ti)  «.  .jt  *'•**  ,  ,  j 

U. 1  -it*— oH-H~l“T+<-0-  484-1.4+1!— o-l-ljS-S.  1(1  i>  — 

1.  nut  bn  | 

2.  Mei.bm  wit  wr  •  jog.  itm  TOut. 

3.  li  Inti  on-irife'-uft  SfMj.  1-5.  Cram  frif4  ^inon  na<$  ita-tu-an,  Nm Nntnthcim 

4.  ra-nm  j 

5.  un*  in  ki  •  item  fifilanb*  6d)0&.  ) 

1-3. frint J  0db  nur  Rhirojl,  la&tcu*  nl$l  grau'u,  nvr  molMc  niffy  out  &cti  wi.iwu’nl 

- T-  \  I  - (>  4  s  •  '  •  «  ,  T,  „  n 

I-1’ - U-Jf-tJ.  R-t-'-J- - X>  V-X—  - ff-ff  R  J---3 - 3 - 

L«.l-i.r-X*  y.  q-j.r.Xlij.  o-  _T..X_y - L — j — .1 — a  .,  .1?  0_jj 

^  u  T-  T.-T-T—tf — 0  — FU-T- -T- T  T-R-  -  0 - t-H-T  T—T — T— 0-  -  4  1  S  5-  R  R-  ft  6  j  1  j  «  4 

mf  p  «/  14-1 

1-5.  pcfl  Grib  nut  la |l  nidit  grau'n,  iwt  mrQHc  nittit  auf  ffloii  m  -  Iruii'nl 


Song  No.  49  from  Liederperlen 


78 


through  the  books  when  they  are  to  start  singing.  They  should  pay  attention  to  the 
conductor,  not  all  turn  to  see  what  late-comers  are  coming  through  the  church  door. 
Loewen  felt  that  “Christians  and  especially  singers  should,  by  their  example,  illustrate  what 
they  sing  and  say.” 

The  conductors  present  also  made  a  number  of  organizational  decisions.  It  was  felt 
that  an  association  of  choral  conductors  would  be  helpful;  the  plan  was  to  present  a  proposal 
to  the  next  General  Convention  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  [Bundes konfer enz\, 
which  was  to  be  held  in  Rueckenau  in  May  of  1 895.  They  would  start  small,  with  units  of 
three  or  four  choirs.  These  would  get  together  twice  a  year  for  mutual  challenge  and 
support.  Conductors  would  get  together  three  times  a  year  to  discuss  items  of  common 
concern.  All  conductors  could  meet  at  the  annual  conventions  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church  [most  or  all  of  the  conductors  at  this  seminar  must  have  been  Mennonite  Brethren] . 
They  would  get  together  the  day  before,  then  also  during  the  evenings  of  the  convention. 
Bernhard  Dueck  and  a  Neufeld  from  Rueckenau  were  to  write,  then  to  present  a 
constitution  to  the  convention. 

Since  the  purpose  of  the  three  day  seminar  had  been  to  “elevate  hymn  singing,”  an 
additional  scheme  was  plotted.  It  was  felt  that  improving  choirs  alone  would  not  suffice; 
to  complicate  matters  many  churches  did  not  have  accompanying  instruments.  The  plan 
was  to  establish  an  association  of  singers  who  would  practise  the  most  common  hymns  so 
that  they  could  sing  them  correctly.  These  trained  singers  would  then  infiltrate  the 
congregation,  and  try  as  hard  as  possible  to  counter  the  mistakes  made  and  increase  the 
tempo  of  the  singing. 

New  Year’s  Eve  the  participants  attended  the  service  at  the  Friedensfeld  church.  It 
was  a  joy  to  hear  the  wonderful  hymns  sung  by  the  choir,  with  interspersed  readings,  and 
of  course  the  mandatory  sermon.  They  parted  with  new  plans  and  fresh  resolve,  only  sorry 
for  those  conductors  who  had  not  attended  the  workshop. 

The  plans  to  present  the  resolutions  and  the  constitution  of  the  proposed  association 
to  the  convention  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  Russia  in  May  of  1 895  were 
probably  not  carried  out.  The  convention  was  disrupted  by  government  officials;  names  of 
the  delegates  present  were  noted,  and  minutes  of  the  proceedings  were  confiscated.  The 
organization  was,  however,  established  in  1 898,  when  Wilhelm  Dyck  of  Andreasfeld  was 
elected  president. 

Bernhard  Dueck,  the  workshop  leader,  and  Johann  Loewen,  a  participant,  both  fairly 
young  at  the  time  [25  and  23  years  old  respectively],  seem  to  have  become  good  friends. 
They  collaborated,  years  later,  in  writing  Mennolied  for  the  celebration  of  the  Anabaptist 
four  hundredth  anniversary  held  in  Switzerland  in  1925.  Loewen,  a  poet,  wrote  the  lyrics, 
Dueck  composed  the  music.  Unfortunately  neither  was  allowed  to  leave  the  country  at  the 
time  to  actually  participate  in  the  anniversary  celebrations. 

Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  With  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,1985, 
pp  16-27 

Challier,  A.,  News  Item  from  Zyrardow,  Saengergruss,  March  1 894,  p  22 

Dueck,  Bernhard,  News  Item  from  Friedensfeld,  South  Russia,  Saengergruss,  May  1894,  pp  37,38 


79 


Dueck,  Bernhard,  News  Item  from  Friedensfeld,  South  Russia,  Saengergruss,  March  1895,  p  22 
Letkemann,  Peter,  The  Christlicher  Saengerbund  and  Mennonite  Choral  Singing  in  Russia, 
Mennonite  Life,  December  1986,  pp  4-10 
Liederperlen,  No.  49,  Das  liebliche  Los 

Loewen,  Johann,  Line  Dirigenten-Versammlug  in  Friedensfeld,  Zionsbote,  27  February  1895, 
p  3,  and  6  March  1895,  p  3 
News  Report,  Zionsbote,  3 1  July  1895,  p  4 


Background  Information: 

Bernhard  B.  Dueck 
Johann  J.  Loewen 

The  Friedensfeld  Mennonite  Brethren  Church 


80 


BERNHARD  B.  DUECK 

[1869-1936] 

Organizer  of  the  first  Choral  Conductors’ 

Workshop  in  South  Russia 

Bernhard  Bernhard  Dueck  was  bom  on  November  28,  1869,  the  third  son  of  Bernhard  and 
Agatha  [Thielmann]  Dueck.  He  was  bom  and  raised  in  Friedensfeld,  a  village  of  the  Borozenko 
Colony  of  South  Russia.  The  Dueck  family  loved  music.  The  senior  Bernhard  was  musical,  and 
the  younger  Bernhard  together  with  his  brother  successfully  completed  a  music  course  in  Riga, 
Latvia.  P.M.  Friesen  felt  that  the  Friedensfeld  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  was  exemplary  in  its 
Sunday  school,  youth  programs,  music  and  choral  groups.  The  Dueck  family  was  singled  out  as 
being  particularly  outstanding  in  music.  Bernhard  sang  and  played  the  guitar,  his  younger  brother 
Abram  had  mastered  an  eleven  stringed  guitar. 

In  1 892  Bernhard  married  Margaretha  Wiebe  from  the  Kuban  Settlement:  they  began  their 
married  life  as  farmers  in 
Friedensfeld.  Between  1893 
and  1912  the  couple  had  eight 
children,  Bernhard  [1893], 

Katharina  [1894],  Jacob 
[1899],  Johann  [1901],  Greta 
[1903],  Abram  [1906],  Lena 
[1909]  and  Gerhard  [1912], 

While  Bernhard’s 
occupation  was  farming,  his 
true  love  was  always  music.  In 
1 892  he  was  elected  as  director 
of  the  church  choir  in 
Friedensfeld.  He  obviously 
motivated  the  singers  to  such  a 
degree  that  they  could 
subsequently  be  used  as 
examples  of  what  could  be 
achieved  in  both  technique  and  dedication.  In  early  1 894  Bernhard  attended  a  choral  conductors’ 
workshop  in  Zyrardow,  Poland;  at  this  workshop  he  was  not  only  a  student,  but  sang  and  played 
the  guitar  for  the  group.  He  was  inspired  to  organize  a  similar  workshop  in  Friedensfeld  December 
28  to  3 1  later  that  same  year.  The  1 8  participants  felt  that  it  was  a  great  success. 

Over  the  years  Bernhard  continued  his  enthusiasm  for  music.  When  he  moved  he  soon 
became  the  choir  conductor  of  the  local  church.  He  continued  to  organize  choral  conductor  work¬ 
shops  in  various  parts  of  Russia,  for  example  in  Margenau,  near  Omsk,  in  1 92 5 .  Participants  were 
required  to  bring  along  their  batons  in  order  to  practice  conducting  technique,  an  emphasis 
Bernhard  seems  to  have  pursued  with  vigour  throughout  his  musical  career.  Members  of  the  group 
formed  a  choir  themselves,  but  also  rehearsed  songs  with  the  Margenau  church  choir.  All 
musicians  then  participated  in  the  church  service  the  following  Sunday. 

Bernhard  was  also  a  composer.  He  had  obviously  become  a  friend  of  Johann  Loewen  who, 
though  interested  in  music,  was  at  heart  a  poet.  The  two  collaborated  in  writing  a  hymn 
Mennolied,  where  Loewen  wrote  the  lyrics  and  Dueck  composed  the  music.  It  commemorated  the 


Bernhard  Dueck,  wife  Margaretha  and  children 


81 


four  hundredth  anniversary  of  Anabaptism,  and  was  to  be  used  at  the  celebrations  in  Switzerland 
in  1 925.  Unfortunately  neither  Dueck  nor  Loewen  were  allowed  to  leave  the  country,  so  they  could 
not  attend  the  ceremonies.  Dueck  also  collaborated  with  Loewen  in  the  writing  of  a  Low  German 
song,  Sing  am  levlich,  sing  am  scheen,  written  especially  for  an  elderly  grandmother  who  had 
trouble  understanding  High  German. 

The  home  of  Bernhard  and  Margaretha  Dueck  was  also  filled  with  music.  Daughter 
Katharina  recalled  “He  lived  for  music  and  singing.  We  had  a  pump  organ.. .and  father’s  younger 
brother... had  an  eleven  stringed  guitar.  Very  often  we  spent  Sunday  nights  singing  and  playing. 
It  was  a  pleasant  unforgettable  childhood.” 

On  February  27, 1902,  Friedensfeld  had  an  evening  celebrating  the  ten  years  that  Bernhard 
had  been  conductor  of  the  choir.  The  whole  village  was  invited,  and  the  sanctuary  was  filled  to 

capacity.  Elder  Jantz  began  the 
“jubilee”  with  prayer,  reading  a 
relevant  passage  of  scripture 
and  making  a  number  of 
pertinent  remarks.  Then  the 
singers  took  over;  there  were 
songs  by  a  mixed  choir,  by  a 
men’s  choir,  even  a  solo  by 
Bernhard  himself  accompanied 
on  the  guitar  by  his  brother 
Abram.  The  music  was 
interspersed  by  recitation  of 
appropriate  poems.  Then 
followed  a  meal,  during  which 
time  a  representative  of  the 
choir  presented  Bernhard  with  a 
gift.  Then  the  congregation 
reassembled,  and  “many  more 
lovely  songs  were  sung  to  the  honour  and  praise  of  God.”  Obviously  the  Friedensfeld  congregation 
appreciated  its  choir  conductor. 

Due  to  poor  health  Bernhard  gave  up  farming  after  ten  years.  In  1903  the  family  moved 
to  the  village  of  Bahndorf  [Orlov]  in  the  Memrik  Colony,  where  he  again  directed  the  church  choir. 
Bernhard,  together  with  a  number  of  partners  built  a  small  mill  in  Bahndorf,  which  they  operated 
for  four  years.  The  Duecks  then  moved  to  Poltava,  near  the  city  of  Chorol  [Khorol],  where  a  four 
story  steel  mill  was  purchased.  There  were  financial  difficulties,  so  to  improve  business 
opportunities  the  mill  was  moved  near  a  railroad  station  in  1 909.  During  the  overthrow  of  the 
Czarist  government  and  then  the  establishment  of  communist  rule  the  mill  continued  to  operate. 
In  1922  it  was  confiscated  by  the  government,  Dueck  continuing  as  manager.  In  1926  Dueck  was 
released  from  this  position. 

Since  he  knew  many  people  there,  and  had  relatives  in  the  region,  it  was  quite  easy  for 
Bernhard  to  settle  on  a  farm  at  Putschkovo,  near  Omsk  in  Siberia.  Eventually  more  and  more  farms 
were  collectivized,  even  in  Siberia;  as  a  land  owner  Bernhard  was  arrested  and  imprisoned  in  Omsk 
early  in  1 93 1 .  In  prison  he  was  not  well;  his  daughter  Greta  often  brought  him  extra  food  to  help 
him  maintain  his  health. 

When  Bernhard  was  released  from  prison  in  August  of  1 932,  he  had  lost  all  interest  in  life, 
and  more  particularly  he  had  also  lost  his  zest  for  music.  He  joined  his  family  in  southern  Russia, 
then  together  with  his  wife,  Margaretha,  joined  their  youngest  son  in  Alma  Ata.  Bernhard  died 


82 


there  on  January  12, 1935.  His  funeral  was  not  accompanied  by  the  instrumental  and  choral  music 
with  which  he  had  enriched  so  many  occasions.  After  Bernhard’s  death  Margaretha  moved  back 
to  Nikopol  in  southern  Russia,  where  she  lived  with  her  children  until  she  also  died,  on  February 
8,  1937. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985,  pp 
21,23,24,  27,  28 

Braun,  D.  D.,  Ein  Jubilaeums=Saengerfest,  Zionsbote,  16  April  1902,  pp  1, 2 
Challier,  A.,  Letter,  Dirigentenkurs,  Saengergruss,  March  1894,  p  22 
Dueck,  Bernhard,  Letter,  Die  erste  Reise  einesDirigenten  aus  Suedrussland  nach  Rolen, 
Saengergruss,  May  1894,  pp  37,38 
Friesen,  P.  M.,  p  461 

Loewen,  Johann,  Eine  Dirigenten=Versammlung  in  Friedensfeld,  Zionsbote,  27  February  1895, 
p  3,  and  6  March  1895,  p  3 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  1 8,  1 1 8 

Rahn,  Peter,  Zu  der  Anfrage  ueber  das  ‘Mennolied’,  Der  Bote,  1  July  1975,  pp  4,  6 
Redekopp,  Alfred  H.,  Jacob  Thielmann  and  Helena  Kroeker,  published  by  A.  H.  Redekopp, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1987,  pp  19-24 


83 


JOHANN  J.  LOEWEN 

[1871-1937?] 


Participant  in  the  first  Choral  Conductors’ 

Workshop  in  South  Russia 

Johann  Loewen  was  bom  in  1 87 1  in  the  Yazykovo  Colony  in  southern  Russia.  At  the  age 
of  1 5  he  moved  to  Friedensfeld  with  his  parents.  He  was  converted  at  an  evangelistic  campaign  of 
Christian  Schmidt  of  the  Kuban,  was  baptized  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  At  the 
age  of  21  he  entered  the  forestry  service  [Forstei],  where  he  served  at  the  Anadol  camp  for  four 
years. 

During  this  time  Johann  was  already  writing  poetry,  some  of  his  early  poems  being  about 
camp  life.  He  was  also  interested  in  music,  and  must  have  had  some  expertise  and  training,  since 
he  participated  in  the  choral  conductors’  workshop  held  by  Bernhard  Dueck  in  late  1894.  Johann 
wrote  an  extensive  report  about 
this  experience  which  was 
published  in  Zionsbote.  He 
encouraged  others  to  participate  in 
similar  events. 

In  1897  Johann  married 
Helene  Friesen,  the  neighbour’s 
daughter,  and  a  relative  of  P.  M. 

Friesen.  The  young  couple  settled 
in  Blumenfeld  [1]  of  the 
Nepluyevka  Colony.  They  had  a 
total  of  six  children;  these  were 
Anna,  Johann,  Heinrich  and 
Nikolai,  two  others  dying  in  early 
childhood. 

The  Nepluyevka 
congregation  was  founded  in  1 880, 
was  an  affiliate  of  Friedensfeld, 
and  met  alternately  in  the  schools  of  Blumenfeld  and  Steinau  until  a  building  was  constructed  in 
Steinau  in  1905.  Upon  moving  into  this  area  Johann  founded  a  choir  in  their  church,  remaining  the 
conductor  for  20  years. 

Johann  published  a  300  page  book  of  poetry  in  1899  called  Herzenstoene  fuer  schlichte 
Christen-herzen  [Thoughts  for  gentle  hearted  Christians].  This  publication  was  available  at  a 
bookstore  in  Tiege,  Molotschna.  Loewen  sometimes  combined  his  poetic  and  musical  interests. 
He  supplied  the  lyrics,  Bernhard  Dueck  composed  the  music  for  Mennolied ,  written  to  celebrate 
the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  Anabaptism  in  1925.  The  words  were  dedicated  to  all 
Mennonites,  and  emphasized  Mennonites  as  wanderers,  even  in  difficult  times.  He  wrote: 

Wenn  man  in  unsern  Tagen  die  Freiheit  ketten  will, 
dann  schaun  wir  fest  entschlossen  aufs  neue  Wanderziel. 

[If  in  our  day  they  want  to  chain  our  freedom, 

Then  we  resolutely  look  ahead  to  a  new  goal.] 

He  again  collaborated  with  Dueck  to  write  a  Low  German  song,  Sing  am  levlich,  sing  am  scheen. 

During  the  unsettled  times  following  World  War  I  the  Loewen  farm  was  taken  over  by 
neighbouring  Russians,  so  the  Loewens  moved  to  Friedensfeld.  Johann  continued  to  be  active  in 


84 


the  church,  teaching  Sunday  school  and  directing  the  choir.  He  was  elected  area  conductor,  and 
held  Saengerfeste  [song  festivals]  and  workshops  for  conductors,  even  as  late  as  1930. 

By  the  time  their  turn  came  to  emigrate  to  Canada  in  the  1920s,  it  was  too  late.  The 
Loewens  could  not  even  get  travel  passes  to  go  to  Moscow  in  1929  for  the  largely  unsuccessful 
attempt  of  Mennonites  to  get  exit  visas  [only  about  6,000  of  the  13,000-15,000  gathered  inMoscow 
actually  got  visas  and  were  able  to  escape]. 

Collective  farms  were  established  in  the  region,  and  Johann  was  appointed  gardener.  His 
boss  tried  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  had  him  sent  to  jail  in  Nikopol  on  three  occasions.  The  court 
released  him,  however,  because  he  was  so  valuable  to  the  state,  having  planted  a  very  productive 
vineyard.  In  time  his  enemy  did  triumph.  The  NKVD  again  came  for  him,  at  night,  in  June  of 
1937.  Johann  was  again  imprisoned  in  Nikopol,  this  time  permanently.  He  was  visited  a  number 
of  times  by  his  son  Nikolai  -  but  soon  this  stopped,  because  the  son  himself  was  imprisoned  three 
months  later.  Johann  was  tortured,  and  eventually  “confessed”  to  destroying  vineyards  and 
orchards  on  the  collective  farm. 

After  being  imprisoned  in  Nikopol  for  some  time  both  father  and  son,  together  with  a 
nephew,  were  transferred  elsewhere  and  were  never  seen  again.  It  has  since  then  been  discovered 
that  many  of  the  prisoners  who  were  said  to  have  been  “transferred”  were  actually  shot.  This  may 
well  have  happened  to  Johann  Loewen. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  461,  671 

Loewen,  Johann,  Eine  Dirigenten-Versammlung  in  Friedensfeld,  Suedrussland,  Zionsbote 
27  February  1895,  p  3,  and  6  March  1895,  p  3 

Loewen,  Harry,  Johann  J.  Loewen:  Ein  mennonitischer  Dichter  und  Saenger,  Mennonite  Mirror, 
November  1986,  pp  28,  29 

Loewen,  Harry,  Can  the  Son  Answer  for  the  Father?  Reflections  on  the  Stalinist  Terror, 

Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies,  1998,  pp  76-78 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  18,  118 
P.  P.,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  15  November  1900 

Toews,  A.  A.,  Mennonitische  Maertyrer,  Volume  2, 1954,  Article  written  by  Helene  Loewen, 
Johann  Loewen,  pp  121-123 


85 


.  .  s  |S  .  |S  I 

t  lt4ct  -e 1  f 


Sdjlitftdjor  nad)  Strophe  7  ju  fingen. 

^[ieftcnb 

S  N  S  f'  \  -h 

-=# 

-  V-  i  x  i  v  —  _ 

P 

Sim  lag  bie  SBol  fen  •  fan 

Sim  Sag  bie  bunt  »  le  SBol 

2  2c  2  j?-2  2  , 

rjrcc-r^cf- 


-  cc-tc 


•I 


fen 


&&  s 


le,  bei 

■fau-(e,  bei 

,  2 

- 0  - 


-  '  -  r  f  i  c  <-c 


‘JJndjt  be<s  fjel 
'Jfadjt  be3  gen 


ten  [5eu>erb@d)fin.  ©o 
er3  @tf)cin . ... 


-rc- 

mirb  (Sr  treu  un§ 


1 


(dtrirt . 

JU 

4- 

-_C- 

=± 

- —  — 

-i 

c/ 

r 

fF- 

=$= 

1 

i  | 

_n- 

i  !  1 

1/ 

fiif) 

-  reit 

in3  i'anb 

ber 

3iu 

f)t 

ein, 

in3  Caub 

ber 

-M- 

J' 

J_ 

J" 

-7- 

,, 

pPF 

M- 

1 

—  4 — 

*"  1 

t 

-w 

-bB 

j-  Fc 

1 

—C*'  rit.  K  s.  k 

=C^Ehck 

l - « - J - - 0— 


/7\ 

-+- 


9{u  -  fje  ein, 

iC  2" 


t'CCC 


ind  Sanb 


ber 


r 


Sffti  -  Ije  eitt. 


3ol)an»  Potmen. 


The  seventh  stanza  of  Mennolied,  words  written 
by  Johann  J.  Loewen,  and  music  composed  by 
Bernhard  B.  Dueck 


86 


THE  FRIEDENSFELD  MENNONITE 
BRETHREN  CHURCH 

The  village  of  Friedensfeld  [Miropol]  was  considered  to  be  an  outlying  part  of  the 
Borozenko  Colony,  although  it  technically  was  in  the  Russian  volost  Leschkarevo.  From  1865  to 
1867  about  120  Kleine  Gemeinde  families  from  the  Molotschna  purchased  6,137  dessiatines  of 
land  near  Nikopol  in  Ekaterinoslav  for  184,100  rubles.  Steinbach,  Blumenhof,  Heuboden, 
Rosenfeld  and  Annafeld  were  established.  Gruenfeld  and  Friedensfeld  were  founded  roughly  the 
same  time,  somewhat  north  and  east  of  the  main  centre  of  settlement.  At  the  same  time  a  number 
of  people  from  Chortitza  established  the  villages  of  Nikolaithal,  Felsenbach  and  Schoendorf.  The 
Borozenko  Colony  had  its  own  volost,  administrative  offices  being  at  Nikolaithal. 

Friedensfeld  was  founded  in  late  1866,  largely  by  members  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  from 
the  Molotschna.  Among  the  first  settlers  were  also  three  Mennonite  Brethren  families,  Jakob  Jantz 
from  Fuerstenau,  Bernhard  Dueck  from  Schoenau,  and  Peter  Fast.  A  Mennonite  Brethren 
fellowship  was  organized  which  first  met  in  the  Jantz’s  semlin  [an  earth  hut,  half  dug  in,  half  above 
ground],  where  they  held  Sunday  services  and  Wednesday  evening  prayer  meetings.  Needing  more 
space  they  moved  to  the  home  of  Bernhard  Dueck  in  late  1868.  In  1869  five  people  were  baptized, 
and  two  additional  Mennonite  Brethren  families  moved  into  the  village  -  bringing  the  total  to  1 7 
members.  Jakob  Jantz  was  leader  of  the  group,  Peter  Fast,  teacher  in  the  village,  assisted  as 
minister,  Bernhard  Dueck  was  deacon.  When  most  of  the  Kleine  Gemeinde  congregations  of 
southern  Russia  emigrated  to  North  America  in  the  mid  1870s,  many  members  also  left 
Friedensfeld.  Most  of  the  remaining  inhabitants  of  the  village  then  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren, 
to  a  considerable  degree  due  to  the  work  of  Jakob  Jantz. 

There  was  at  this  time  a  period  of  bitter  strife  within  the  church  membership.  There  was 
quarrelling  and  enmity  about  peripheral  issues  and  matters  of  “honour.”  P.  M.  Friesen  comments 
that  for  a  time  the  name  “Friedensfeld” [field  of  peace]  was  actually  a  misnomer,  it  should  really 
be  “Battlefield!”  But,  continued  Friesen,  “...file  Lord  could  help,  though  not  without  some 
punishment;  powerful  and  rich  members  left  [were  expelled  from?]  the  membership.. .God  had  to 

make  poor  and  small  what  had  been  large  and  wealthy,  to 
discipline  and  then  to  rescue.”  Later  the  church  was  greatly 
strengthened  and  encouraged  when  minister  Christian  Schmidt 
and  Johann  Wieler  moved  to  Friedensfeld. 

At  first  the  congregation  was  an  affiliate  of  the 
Molotschna  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  but  on  June  1 5, 1 875 
it  was  organized  as  a  separate  group.  Jakob  Jantz  was  elected 
elder,  Christian  Schmidt  as  “associate  elder.”  Elder  Abraham 
Unger  of  Einlage  and  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg  of 
Rueckenau  presided  at  the  installation  service. 

Initial  membership  was  45,  with  a  total  of  125 
adherents.  In  the  autumn  of  1875  Peter  Fast  moved  to 
Sergeyevka,  then  in  1878  Christian  Schmidt  departed  for  the 
Kuban.  Since  there  was  then  a  dearth  of  ministers,  the 
congregation  elected  two  “teachers”  in  1878,  Benjamin  Jantz 
and  Johann  Neufeld.  Four  years  later  they  were  confirmed  as 
ministers  and  Bernhard  Dueck  as  deacon  at  an  installation 
service  presided  over  by  Elder  Aron  Lepp.  In  February  of  1883  Christian  Schmidt  visited  his 
former  church  home.  As  a  result  of  his  powerful  preaching  a  great  revival  gripped  many  at 


87 


Friedensfeld,  leading  to  40  baptisms  in  April  of  that  year. 

At  the  twenty  five  year  anniversary  celebration  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  on 
January6,  1885,  the  Freidensfeld  church  had  about  1 00  members,  with  another  125  adherents.  The 
church  also  related  to  and  served  a  Baptist  church  in  the  nearby  village  of  Michailovka. 

After  1885  the  life  of  the  Friedensfeld  church  is  described  as  “...quiet  and  orderly 
progress.”  It  acted  as  a  bridge  between  the  Molotschna  and  Chortitza,  since  it  had  active  members 
from  both  areas.  The  congregation  lost  some  valued  members  through  death,  Martin  Thielmann 
[dedicated  and  energetic],  Dietrich  Klassen  [itinerant  minister],  Bernhard  Dueck  [one  of  the 
founders  and  deacon],  Franz  Peters  [minister,  particularly  interested  in  missions],  also  Margareta 
[Toews],  the  wife  of  Elder  Jakob  Jantz. 

Elder  Jantz  continued  to  work  effectively;  he  and  the  church  took  a  fairly  conciliatory 
stand  on  the  question  of  “open  communion,”  which  was  a  serious  problem  in  some  of  the  other 
Mennonite  Brethren  congregations.  He  had  very  little  formal  education  himself,  but  was  school 
teacher  in  the  village  for  four  years  in  the  late  1880s.  Abram  Wall,  formerly  of  the  Crimea,  was 
for  a  time  based  in  Friedensfeld  [while  carrying  out  itinerant  ministry],  but  by  1910  had  settled  in 
Miloradovka.  Peter  Funk  was  elected  deacon  after  the  death  of  Bernhard  Dueck  [senior]. 

The  church  was  known  for  its  dedication  to  education,  a  fair  number  of  the  young  men 
having  completed  high  school  in  Ohrloff,  some  also  the  Teachers’  College  in  Halbstadt.  Sunday 
school  and  youth  programs  were  also  emphasized.  In  1889  the  Sunday  school  had  five  teachers 
with  65  students.  There  were  two  youth  groups,  the  young  men  numbered  18,  while  the  young 
ladies  totalled  22.  There  was  particular  love  for,  excitement  about  and  understanding  of 
instrumental  and  choral  music.  The  choir  in  1889  had  25  members. 

Bernhard  Dueck,  one  of  the  founders  of  Friedensfeld,  was  very  interested  in  many  aspects 
of  church  work,  but  especially  music.  The  extended  Dueck  family,  which  would  include  his  wife’s 
family  [she  was  a  Thielmann],  often  constituted  a  major  part  of  musical  groups.  Two  sons  of  the 
family,  Bernhard  and  Abram,  studied  music  in  Riga.  Bernhard  [junior]  became  the  conductor  of 
the  church  choir  in  1892.  As  well  as  singing  at  the  Sunday  morning  services,  the  choir  sang  at 
funerals,  weddings,  baptisms,  at  sick  beds,  had  gone  carolling  at  Christmas,  and  participated  in 
choral  festivals.  In  one  period  they  made  36  trips  to  23  different  places.  Dueck  obviously  trained 
the  singers  to  a  high  degree  of  dedication  and  competence,  having  ten  additional  services  featuring 
music,  and  learning  a  repertoire  of  250  songs.  Dueck  was  training  his  choir  so  that  he  could  use 
it  as  an  example  of  excellence  at  the  Choral  Conductors’  Workshop  which  was  held  in  Friedensfeld 
in  December  of  1894.  The  choir  was  also  an  inspiration  to  neighbouring  congregations, 
participating  in  a  song  fest  of  the  Judenplan  villages  in  1902.  Bernhard  continued  in  this  position 
until  he  moved  to  the  Memrik  Colony  in  1 903 .  However  the  excellence  of  the  choir  must  have  been 
carried  on,  since  in  subsequent  reports  of  activities  of  the  church  there  is  repeated  praise  for  its 
contributions. 

Around  the  year  1900  Friedensfeld  underwent  a  difficult  time,  in  part  because  a  number 
of  people  moved  away,  but  also  fuelled  by  an  economic  downturn  likely  due  to  poor  crops.  The 
church  was  near  dissolution.  Then  there  seemed  to  be  an  about  face,  and  the  church  again 
flourished.  The  church  building,  which  had  been  constructed  in  1885,  had  ample  room  for  the 
congregation  and  the  village  school. 

The  Friedensfeld  congregation  always  had  a  strong  outreach  program,  the  ministers  often 
participating  in  itinerant  evangelism  and  nurture  in  far  away  places.  Jakob  Jantz  himself  travelled 
to  Germany,  Turkestan,  Siberia  and  to  the  Terek.  He  also  spent  considerable  time  in  Sagradovka, 
but  his  particular  interest  seems  to  have  been  Poland,  the  region  where  he  was  bom.  He  visited 
Poland  23  times,  being  active  in  the  establishment  of  a  Mennonite  Brethren  church  at  Deutsch- 
Wymyschle.  Jantz  was  ecumenical  in  his  interests,  cultivating  fellowship  with  ministers  of  the 


88 


nearby  Russian  evangelical  church  at  Koudashovka.  The  Baptist  leader  JohannjTvan]  G.  Kargel, 
from  St.  Petersburg,  held  a  month  long  missions  school  in  Friedensfeld  in  January  of  1 889;  1 6  men 
participated. 

As  a  result  of  the  outreach  a  number  of  “outposts”  were  established  which  in  time  became 
independent  Mennonite  Brethren  congregations.  Jakob  Jantz  was  the  presiding  elder  when  the 
Deutsch-Wymyschle  congregation  was  incorporated  and  the  officials  ordained  in  1895. 
Sagradovka-Tiege  also  flourished,  in  1885  having  about  100  members;  in  1889  alone  50  new 
members  joined  through  baptism.  In  June  of  1902  Elder  Jantz  ordained  Johann  Nickel  as  elder 
for  this  what  P.  M.  Friesen  called  “a  more  or  less  independent”  congregation. 

In  1905  the  Friedensfeld  congregation  had  one  elder,  eight  ordained  ministers,  35  baptisms 
for  the  year,  and  a  total  membership  of  3  44,  of  which  only  83  were  in  the  home  church.  By  the  end 
of  1906  total  membership  had  climbed  slightly  to  360.  Altogether  there  were  1,065  adherents, and 
not  surprisingly  for  a  church  so  interested  in  music,  110  choir  members. 

Friedensfeld  continued  to  have  a  number  of  official  affiliate  congregations.  At  the 
beginning  of  1906  these  affiliates  were: 

1.  Nepluyevka,  established  in  1880,  leader  Heinrich  Friesen,  membership  97, 

owned  building  since  1905 

2.  Novopodolsk,  established  1888,  Judenplan  villages,  which  consisted  of 

Mennonite  model  farmers  living  in  basically  Jewish  villages,  leader 

Franz  Wieler,  membership  61,  met  in  homes  and  schools 

3.  Steinfeld,  of  the  Schlachtin  Colony,  established  in  1888,  leader  Franz 

Krause,  membership  60,  had  own  building 

4.  Miloradovka  and  Schilovo,  established  1895,  leader  Abram  Wall, 

membership  43,  had  own  building 

On  February  27, 1 902,  Friedensfeld  had  an  evening  celebrating  the  ten  years  that  Bernhard 
Dueck  had  been  conductor  of  the  choir.  The  whole  village  was  invited,  and  the  sanctuary  was  filled 
to  capacity.  Elder  Jantz  began  the  “jubilee”  with  prayer,  reading  a  relevant  passage  of  scripture  and 
making  a  number  of  pertinent  remarks.  Then  the  singers  took  over;  there  were  songs  by  a  mixed 
choir,  by  a  men’s  chorus,  even  a  solo  by  Bernhard  himself  accompanied  on  the  guitar  by  his  brother 
Abram.  The  music  was  interspersed  by  the  recitation  of  appropriate  poems.  This  was  followed  by 
a  meal,  during  which  time  a  representative  of  the  choir  presented  Bernhard  with  a  gift.  Then  the 
congregation  reassembled,  and  “many  more  lovely  songs  were  sung  to  the  honour  and  praise  of 
God.”  Obviously  the  Friedensfeld  congregation  appreciated  its  choir  conductor. 

Friedensfeld  celebrated  a  most  wonderful  Pentecost  season  in  1910.  “As  is  well  known,” 
wrote  a  correspondent,  “we  had  a  great  revival  here  this  winter,  mainly  among  the  youth.  In  almost 
every  household  there  were  people  whose  sins  had  been  forgiven,  in  a  number  of  homes  there  were 
even  three  individuals  who  turned  to  Christ.”  Testimonies  were  given,  and  on  the  third  day  of 
Pentecost  27  of  the  newly  converted  were  baptized,  including  a  60  year  old  man.  A  minister  from 
Ufa  assured  the  participants  that  despite  difficulties  they  had  someone  to  turn  to,  Jesus  Christ. 
Minister  Abram  Wall  performed  the  actual  baptism.  Ten  of  the  candidates  sang  “ Jesugeh  voran. 
[Jesus  lead  the  way...]. 

Leadership  of  the  church  must  have  been  quite  adaptable  and  willing  to  travel  to  serve  its 
far  flung  membership.  Jakob  Jantz  remained  elder,  and  did  itinerant  ministry  even  at  an  advanced 
age.  He  usually  had  communion  once  a  month  at  his  home  base  in  Friedensfeld,  once  every  three 
months  with  the  affiliate  congregations.  A  correspondent  remarked  in  1913  that  at  the  age  of  79 
he  was  still  on  duty,  although  others  had  to  read  the  biblical  text  for  him  as  well  the  words  for 
songs,  because  a  severe  tremor  of  his  hands  made  holding  books  difficult.  Abram  Wall  was  active 
in  the  home  congregation  even  though  he  lived  in  Miloradovka.  He  greeted  the  participants  in  the 


89 


name  of  the  church  at  the  Choral  Conductors'  Workshop  in  1894,  he  spoke  at  the  funeral  of  Jakob 
Jantz’s  wife  in  1903,  and  likely  participated  in  many  other  functions.  Heinrich  Friesen  headed  the 
Nepluyevka  affiliate,  but  also  spoke  at  various  church  functions.  He  was  a  faithful  correspondent 
for  the  whole  church,  writing  a  fair  number  of  reports  which  were  published  in  Zionsbote.  His 
letters  stopped  abruptly  after  April,  1914,  so  it  is  quite  possible  that  he  moved  away  or  was 
incapacitated  after  that  time. 

The  Friedensfeld  congregation  actively  participated  in  the  work  of  the  wider  Mennonite 
Brethren  constituency.  From  two  to  nine  representatives  were  recorded  as  delegates  to  annual 
conventions  held  in  1882,  1903,  1904,  1910, 1913  and  1918.  Jakob  Jantz  was  invariably  one  of  the 
group  while  he  was  still  able  to  travel,  and  played  an  active  role  at  the  conventions.  He,  for 
example,  delivered  one  of  the  eight  sermons  which  inspired  the  delegates  at  the  convention  held 
on  May  18,  1903,  in  Waldheim.  In  1904  the  Friedensfeld  delegates  invited  the  conference  to  their 
locale  for  1 905,  so  the  convention  was  likely  held  there,  although  no  extant  minutes  document  this. 
As  mentioned  previously,  Friedensfeld  ministers  travelled  widely;  some  of  these  trips  were  itinerant 
ministry  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Conference.  Reports  confirm  that 
Friedensfeld  also  contributed  financially  to  the  various  conference  projects. 

Jakob  Jantz  likely  functioned  as  elder  until  he  died  in  1917.  The  church  sent  delegates, 
Abraham  Neustaedter  and  Abram  Wall,  to  the  Menonnite  Brethren  convention  held  in  Vassilievka 
in  September  of  1918.  In  the  unsettled  times  after  World  War  I  the  Johann  J.  Loewens  lost  their 
farm  in  Blumenfeld,  Nepluyevka  Colony,  so  they  moved  to  Friedensfeld.  Johann  was  active  in  the 
church,  teaching  Sunday  school,  and  not  surprisingly,  conducting  the  church  mixed  choir  as  well 
as  a  male  choir. 

The  unsettled  times  also  had  a  direct  effect  on  the  church.  On  Christmas  Day,  1920 
Makhno  bandits  came  riding  into  Friedensfeld.  Likely  finding  nobody  at  home,  they  headed  for 
the  church.  Minister  Aron  P.  Toews,  also  school  teacher,  was  in  charge  of  the  service  when  the 
bandits  stormed  into  the  church  sanctuary  screaming,  demanding  that  the  singing  stop  [how 
appropriate  that  they  would  find  the  church  singing!].  Toews  asked  the  congregation  to  remain 
calm,  since  they  were  “in  the  house  of  God,  and  under  his  protection.”  A  shot  was  fired,  the  bandits 
collected  a  sum  of  money,  and  left  the  worshippers  in  peace. 

A  series  of  letters  written  by  members  of  the  Jantz  family  gives  insight  into  some  of  the 
church  life  in  the  mid  1920s.  The  communists  had  obviously  taken  over  administration  of  the 
village.  They  were  using  the  front  classroom  of  the  school/church  for  Spektakel  [loud  programs, 
music?]  on  Sunday  mornings.  The  congregation  put  up  an  additional  brick  wall  between  the  rooms 
to  muffle  the  sound.  The  services  were  allowed  to  continue,  but  children  under  1 8  were  not  to 
attend.  Sunday  school  was  forbidden.  The  congregation  had  to  pay  rent  to  use  its  own  facility. 

The  musical  emphasis,  spear-headed  by  Johann  Loewen,  continued  to  be  strong.  The 
mixed  choir,  consisting  of  19  members  in  1923,  participated  in  regional  songfests.  Loewen  also 
organized  a  male  choir,  and  on  occasion  practiced  with  a  youth  choir  as  well.  The  tradition  of 
songfests  in  the  Friedensfeld  sanctuary  continued,  although  the  congregation  sometimes  found  it 
hard  to  make  all  the  arrangements. 

On  October  23,1923  there  were  80  singers  from  five  choirs  at  Friedensfeld.  A  total  of  1 05 
numbers  were  presented,  including  songs,  sermons  and  poems.  The  weather  was  beautiful,  and 
every  seat  in  the  church  was  filled. 

Continuing  with  a  tradition  begun  in  1894,  Bernhard  Dueck,  then  of  Poltava,  held  another 
choir  conductors’  seminar  in  Friedensfeld  on  January  7-11,  1925.  There  were  18  registrants.  The 
church  choir  had  to  attend  every  evening  to  allow  the  conductors  to  practice  their  art.  The  closing 
program  produced  music  which  was  well  appreciated,  “one  was  in  the  spirit  transported  to  heavenly 
regions!” 


90 


Accepting  more  than  its  share,  the  regional  songfest  was  again  in  Friedensfeld  in  May, 
1926,  when  preparations  were  made  for  180  singers.  They  butchered  two  cows,  two  sheep, 
prepared  four  large  crocks  of  borscht,  four  large  pots  of  fruit  soup  [Fruchtmuss] ,  and  much  baking, 
including,  of  course,  Zwieback.  Seven  choirs  appeared  for  the  two  day  festival,  including  a  large 
Russian  group  from  Kadushovka.  Johann  Loewen  had  made  the  arrangements;  an  addition  had 
been  added  to  the  church  building  to  hold  the  large  number  of  guests,  and  food  was  served  in  the 
machine  shed  [Scheune]  of  Peter  Isaak.  All  guests  left  happy,  having  had  a  blessed  time. 

There  were  some  technical  difficulties  with  the  celebration  of  Christmas,  New  Years  and 
Easter.  By  this  time  there  was  a  significant  Russian  population  in  Friedensfeld.  The  Mennonites 
had  accepted  the  new,  Gregorian  calendar,  the  Russians  stuck  to  the  old,  Julian  calendar.  The 
businesses  in  the  village,  notably  the  mill  and  the  store,  had  been  taken  over  by  Russians,  so  their 
holidays  followed  the  Julian  dates.  To  comply  with  its  neighbours  the  Friedensfeld  church,  at  least 
for  a  number  of  years,  certainly  in  1925,  celebrated  according  to  the  “Old”  calendar.  Mennonite 
visitors  to  the  celebrations  in  Friedensfeld  therefore  could  participate  twice,  once  at  home,  then 
later  in  Friedensfeld. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  1920s  ,  however,  gradually  more  restrictions  came  into  effect. 
After  a  time  collective  farms  were  established  in  the  area,  and  some  of  the  farmers  will  have  been 
sent  off  their  land.  The  church  was  likely  forced  to  close  its  doors  about  1930,  although  some  of 
the  Mennonites,  such  as  the  Johann  Loewens,  still  lived  in  the  area.  Many  of  the  men  were 
subsequently  imprisoned  during  the  Purge  of  1936-1938. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985, 
pp  23,  24,  27 

Braun,  D.  D.,  Ein  Jubilaeums=Saengerfest,  Zionsbote,  16  April  1902,  pp  1, 2 
Braun,  Heinrich,  Bundes-Statistic,  der  Vereinigten,  Taufgesinnten,  Mermonitischen  Brueder- 
Gemeinde  in  Russ  land.  1905,  Nikopol,  1906 
Dueck,  Abe  J.,  Moving  Beyond  Secession,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and 
Hillsboro,  USA,  1997,  pp  24,  25,  27,  30,  42,  44,  55,  60,  66,  87,  93,  98 
Friesen,  Heinrich,  Letters,  Zionsbote,  8  November  1911,  pp  2,  3;  24  January  1912,  p  5; 

30  April  1913,  pp  3, 4;  13  August  1913,  pp  4,  5;  15  April  1914,  p  4 
Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  406, 423-427,  459-464,  722 
Jantz  Family  Letters,  edited  and  typed  by  Harold  Jantz,  Winnipeg 
Jantz,  Harold,  great-grandson  of  Jakob  Jantz,  personal  information 

Jantz,  Jakob,  Jahres  Bericht  von  der  Gemeinde  Friedensfeld  1889,  Zionsbote,  5  March  1890,  pi 
Jantz,  Jakob,  Obituary  of  Margareta  Jantz,  Zionsbote,  8  July  1903,  p  5 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  ppl  8,  118 

Kargel,  J.  G.,  Zwischen  den  Enden  der  Erde,  Licht  im  Osten,  Wemigerode  am  Harz,  1928, 
Introduction  by  Jakob  Kroeker,  pp  viii,  ix 

Klippenstein,  Lawrence,  Russian  Evangelicalism  Revisited:  Ivan  Kargel  and  the  Founding  of 
the  Russian  Baptist  Union,  Baptist  History  and  Heritage,  April  1992,  pp  42,  43 
News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  19  June  1910,  p  8 

Ratzlaff,  Erich  L.,  Im  Weichselbogen,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1971,  pp  55-57,  59,  60,  62,  203 
Redekopp,  Alfred  H.,  Jakob  Thielmann  and  Helena  Kroeker,  published  by  A.  H.  Redekopp, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1987,  pp  11-13,  29,  30 

Rempel,  Olga,  Einer  von  Vielen:  Die  Lebensgeschichte  von  Prediger  Aron  P.  Toews,  Winnipeg, 
Canada,  p  37 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  62,  63,  70,  78,  84,  93 


91 


16.  DEDICATION  SERVICE  AT  THE  LUGOVSK 
MENNONITE  BRETHREN  CHURCH 
OCTOBER  7, 1901 


When  the  Neu  Samara  Colony  was  first  established  in  1891  there  were  few 
Mennonite  Brethren  settlers.  Through  the  itinerant  evangelistic  efforts  of  David  Duerksen 
of  the  Crimea,  Jakob  Reimer  of  Rueckenau,  David  Nachtigal  and  Peter  Koehn  of 
Waldheim,  many  people  were  converted  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  Up 
to  35  were  baptized  at  one  time,  in  the  Kaltanka  River  near  the  west  end  of  Lugovsk;  the 
stream  had  been  dammed  up  to  retain  the  snow  run-off.  The  congregation  walked  to  the 
river,  filling  the  air  with  song;  at  the  water’s  edge  they  listened  to  a  sermon,  then  the 
baptismal  candidates  prayed.  The  minister  and  the  candidates  stepped  into  the  stream  for 
the  baptism,  then  the  candidates  were  accepted  into  membership. 

Abram  Martens  led  the  church  from  1893  until  1926.  A  confession  of  faith  was 
accepted  by  the  congregation  on  December  16,  1900.  A  special  seal  was  affixed  to  the 
document,  as  well  as  signatures  by  leader  Abram  Martens,  minister  Daniel  Friesen,  and 
deacons  Isaak  Wiens  and  Jakob  Fast.  Abram  Martens  was  ordained  elder  in  1910,  Elder 
David  Duerksen  presiding. 

The  first  church  was  on  the  front  yard  of  Franz  Braun  of  Lugovsk;  a  second  building 
was  soon  too  small.  Then  a  much  larger  sanctuary  was  built  on  the  western  end  of  Lugovsk, 
north  side  of  the  street. 

The 
new  building 
had  a  high 
foundation,  on 
which  were 
placed  stones 
from  a  quarry 
30  verst  east 
of  Ivanovka. 

Earth  for  the 
structure  was 
obtained  from 
a  hill  west  of 
the  village. 

Human  bones  and  a  variety  of  coins  were  discovered  in  this  hillock,  likely  from  the  tomb 
of  some  long  forgotten  nomad  chieftain.  A  brick-yard  just  north  of  the  building  supplied 
material  for  a  master  bricklayer  and  his  assistants,  who  had  come  from  the  Molotschna  for 
this  job. 

The  main  sanctuary  was  oriented  parallel  to  the  street,  running  east- west.  The  pulpit 
was  on  the  east  end,  elevated  on  a  4‘/z  foot  platform,  which  spanned  the  entire  width  of  the 
sanctuary.  The  pulpit  itself  was  created  by  a  mastercraftsman  from  the  south,  its  form 
representing  an  opening  lily.  On  each  side  of  the  pulpit  were  seats  for  singers,  with  room 


The  church  at  Lugovsk  under  construction  [from  Friesen] 


92 


for  two  choirs.  The  main  sanctuary  comfortably  seated  800  people.  A  balcony  on  the  west 
end  seated  another  200,  but  was  only  used  on  special  occasions.  On  the  north  side  of  the 
building,  west  end,  there  was  a  room  for  the  women,  a  cloak-  room  and  a  nursery.  On 
the  east  end  was  a  room  for  men,  a  cloak-room  and  a  room  for  ministers.  Later  these  rooms 
were  combined,  allowing  use  as  a  dining  hall.  On  the  west  end  of  the  church  lot,  horse 
stables  were  provided,  and  there  was  also  a  well,  allowing  horses  to  be  watered  over  the 
noon  hour. 

It  was  felt  that  the  Lugovsk  church  building  was  the  largest  and  most  beautiful  of 
any  in  the  colony,  and  the  best  in  the  whole  Russian  Mennonite  Brethren  constituency. 


The  completed  sanctuary  at  Lugovsk  [from  Bracks] 


The  dedication  of  the  new  building  was  celebrated  on  October  7,  1901.  The 
proceedings  were  undoubtedly  chaired  by  Abram  Martens  and  likely  began  fairly  early  in 
the  morning.  Guests  from  various  colonies  participated;  the  church  was  packed  to  the 
rafters,  there  being  3,000  people  filling  the  sanctuary  and  spilling  into  the  aisles.  Elder 
David  Duerksen  from  the  Crimea,  known  as  a  prince  among  Mennonite  preachers,  and  to 
some  degree  responsible  for  the  growth  of  the  Lugovsk  church,  was  an  invited  guest 
speaker.  Elder  David  Schellenberg,  representing  the  mother  church  at  Rueckenau,  was 
another  invited  speaker.  The  newly  appointed  Elder  Komelius  Fehr  from  Kamenka  in 
Orenburg  also  participated.  Komelius  G.  Neufeld  from  Devlakanovo  of  the  Ufa  Colony 
was  there;  his  choir  enriched  the  proceedings  with  a  number  of  songs  and  concluded  the 
program  with  a  rousing  rendition  of  the  glorious  Hallelujah  Chorus  from  Handel’s  Messiah. 
After  the  celebration  all  3,000  guests  were  served  a  lunch. 

It  was  felt  that  this  day  the  verse  of  scripture,  possibly  the  motto  for  the  occasion, 
indeed  was  fulfilled:  “Glorious  things  are  preached  within  your  walls,  you  city  of  God  .” 
Psalm  87:3.[  German  versions  read  “Herrliche  Dinge  werden  in  dir  gepredigt,  du  Stadt 
Gottes.”  The  English  versions  are  different.  They  read  “Glorious  things  are  said  of  you,  O 
city  of  God.”] 

The  congregation  seemed  to  thrive  in  its  new  facility.  The  annual  Christmas  season 


93 


Bible  studies  were  held  in  December,  1901,  with  Abram  Martens,  Daniel  Friesen,  Nicholas 
Toews,  J.  Klassen  and  others  proclaiming  the  message  of  the  new  birth  to  a  congregation 
of  about  500  people. 

In  all,  three  churches  were  constructed  in  Neu  Samara.  There  was  the  Mennonite 
Brethren  building  at  Lugovsk,  a  Kirchengemeinde  building  in  Pleshanovo  and  an  Alliance 
house  of  worship  in  Donskoye.  With  eventual  collectivization  and  a  more  consistant  anti- 
religious  policy  by  the  communist  government  church  life  and  function  became  more  and 
more  difficult.  The  church  in  Donskoye  was  closed  on  January  6,  1931.  It  was  initially 
converted  into  a  club  and  cinema,  and  in  the  late  1 940s  was  revamped  to  become  a  school. 
The  church  in  Pleschanovo  was  closed  at  roughly  the  same  time,  early  in  1931,  and  was 
remodelled  to  house  a  school.  In  the  late  1960s,  when  a  new  school  was  built,  it  was 
coverted  to  a  club. 

The  Lugovsk  church  continued  to  function  another  two  years,  into  1933,  when  it 
was  transformed  into  a  high  school.  The  roof  was  raised  to  allow  construction  of  a  second 
story;  the  ten  classroom  school  served  the  whole  colony.  In  1973  a  new  school  was  built 
between  Lugovsk  and  the  neighbouring  Podolysk,  so  the  church  building  was  used  as  a 
granary  by  the  collective  farm.  In  1 995  it  was  sold  to  the  cheese  factory  across  the  street, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  building  would  be  restored  to  its  original  appearance.  To 
comply  with  this  condition  the  second  story  was  removed,  and  the  building  completely 
renovated.  The  cheese  factory  now  uses  it  for  office  and  laboratory  space. 


Sources: 

Bracks,  J.  H.,  and  Hooge,  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  lock,  Clearbrook,  B.  C.,  1964,  pp  56,  85-87 
Dueck,  Abe  J.,  Moving  beyond  Secession,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and 
Hillsboro,  U.S.A.,  1998,  pp  26,  33 
Friesen,  P.  M.  pp  444,  480 

Janzen,  Daniel,  Die  Mennoniten  in  Russ  land,  unpublished  article,  1998 

The  Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

News  Item,  Zionsbote,  16  October  1901,  p  4 

News  Item,  Zionsbote,  12  March  1902,  pp  4,  5 


Background  Information: 

An  Architect’s  Appraisal  and  Plan  of  the  Lugovsk  Sanctuary 

Neu  Samara  Colony 

Map:  Neu  Samara  Colony 

Elder  David  Gerhard  Duerksen 

Elder  David  Schellenberg 

Elder  Komelius  A.  Fehr 

Komelius  Gerhard  Neufeld 

Liederperlen  and  the  Hallelujah  Chorus 


94 


AN  ARCHITECT’S  APPRAISAL 

RUDY  P.  FRIESEN,  FRAIC,  Hon.  FAIA 
ARCHITECT,  WINNIPEG,  MANITOBA 

The  Mennonite  Brethren  meetinghouse  in  Lugovsk  was  located  on  the  west  end  of  the 
village,  on  the  north  side  of  the  street,  and  parallel  to  the  street  in  the  traditional  manner  [almost 
all  Mennonite  church  buildings  in  Russia  were  placed  parallel  to  the  street].  It  had  a  spacious 
sanctuary  with  a  ceiling  that  may  have  been  well  over  20  feet  high  [the  exterior  windows  could 
have  been  10-12  feet  high],  and  could  comfortably  seat  800  people.  The  pulpit\platform  was  located 
at  the  east  end  of  the  rectangular  building  at  a  height  of  approximately  four  and  a  half  feet  above 
the  floor.  The  platform  stretched  across  the  full  width  of  the  sanctuary,  with  space  for  two  choirs, 
one  on  each  side  of  the  pulpit.  A  balcony  with  seating  for  another  200  people  extended  across  the 
west  end.  It  was  used  only  for  overflow  seating  on  special  occasions. 

At  each  end  of  the  building,  on  the  north  side,  there  was  a  Halle  or  entrance  hall.  Actually 
this  suggests  more  than  just  an  entrance;  the  west  [women’s]  hall  had  a  coat  room  and  a  baby  room, 
and  the  east 
[men’s]  hall  had  a 
coat  room  and  a 
ministers’  room. 

These  two 
entrance  halls 
were  later 
connected  to 
create  a  long 
room  used  as  a 
dining  hall.  The 
photo  in  Quiring 
[the  one  on  this 
page]  was  likely 
taken  before  this 
was  built;  one  can 
make  out  only 

two  arched  windows  on  the  north  facade  [the  side  away  from  the  picture],  suggesting  that  these 
halls  extended  north  from  the  building.  The  photo  in  Friesen  was  likely  taken  before  any  of  these 
halls  were  built.  These  halls  were  the  main  entrances  for  the  men  and  women  respectively.  The 
fact  that  these  entrances  faced  the  church  yard  was  in  accordance  with  the  general  Mennonite 
church  building  tradition;  the  building  was  located  near  the  village  street,  the  church  yard  was 
behind  the  building,  and  the  entrances  usually  faced  the  church  yard. 

An  extension  to  the  west  end  of  the  building  likely  contained  a  stair  to  the  balcony  [similar 
to  the  Schoensee  church  building]  and  an  exit  door.  The  photo  in  Friesen  does  not  show  this 
addition,  yet  it  clearly  indicates  that  the  west  wall  of  the  sanctuary  was  built  to  accept  the 
extension,  with  a  door  opening  at  ground  floor  level  and  another  door  opening  at  the  balcony  level. 
The  west  and  north  extensions  were  probably  constructed  soon  after  the  main  structure  was  erected. 

Based  on  the  chimneys  evident  on  the  photos  there  would  have  been  two  stoves  in  the 
sanctuary,  for  heating  the  building  in  winter. 

The  exterior  walls  of  the  church  were  made  of  burned  clay  bricks,  manufactured  on  site, 
resting  on  a  foundation  made  of  quarried  stone.  The  hip  roof  was  covered  with  metal  sheeting.  The 
building’s  exterior  was  designed  in  a  neo-classical  style,  with  baroque  like  windows  that  recall 


Partially  completed  church  building  at  Lugovsk 
[from  Quiring] 


95 


those  of  the  Gnadenfeld  church  building  [constructed  in  1854]  in  their  proportions.  A  number  of 
the  Kirchkiche  church  buildings  constructed  around  this  time  had  gothic  shaped  windows. 

The  centre  portion  of  the  front  facade,  facing  the  street,  had  a  higher  parapet.  This  created 
a  visual  axis  perpendicular  to  the  street  and  suggests  at  first  glance  that  the  pulpit\platform  would 
be  behind  this  facade.  The  entrance  halls  extending  from  the  north  facade  reinforced  this  axis.  Yet 
the  interior  layout  of  the  sanctuary  created  an  axis  parallel  to  the  street.  This  created  an  interesting 
contradiction  between  what  the  exterior  of  the  building  expressed  and  the  actual  interior  form.  This 
contradiction  was  likely  quite  unusual  in  Mennonite  churches,  although  Millerovo  and  Alexandertal 
may  have  been  similar. 

Not  directly  related  to  architecture,  but  of  interest  is  the  labelling  of  worship  facilities.  The 
Kirchliche  gradually  adopted  the  term  Kirche  or  church,  the  Mennonite  Brethren  tended  to  use  the 
terms  Versammlungshaus  [meeting  house]  or  Bethaiis  [house  of  prayer]. 

Sources: 

Quiring,  Walter,  and  Bartel,  Helen,  A  Is  Ihre  Zeit  erfuellt  war,  published  by  the  authors,  1963,  p  139 


COAT  ROOM  COAT  ROOM 


Plan  of  the  Lugovsk  sanctuary 


96 


NEU  SAMARA  COLONY 


Neu  Samara  [also  known  as  Pleshanovo]  was  established  in  1891  by  settlers  from  the 
Molotschna.  The  colony  bought  20,388  dessiatines  of  land  for  664,416  rubles  in  the  Luxemburg 
District,  Region  Busuluk,  400  kilometres  east  of  the  city  of  Samara.  The  parcel  of  land,  largely 
south  of  the  Tok  River,  was  purchased  from  a  number  of  land  owners,  among  them  Krassikov, 
Pleshanov  and  Bogomasov. 

Intended  for  Molotschna  landless  families,  pioneers  to  this  colony  received  farmsteads, 
but  had  very  few  other  resources,  so  initial  development  was  slow.  Farmers  had  to  adjust  to 
different  soil  and  much  longer  and  more  severe  winters.  Droughts  devastated  crops  about  every 
five  years. 

Originally  12  villages  were  laid  out,  but  by  1917  there  had  been  expansion  to  14  villages 
and  at  least  nine  separate  estates,  3,670  people  occupying  almost  32,000  dessiatines.  Each  village 
started  with  an  elementary  school,  although  buildings  were  of  clay  bricks  with  thatched  roofs,  and 
instruction  was  quite  rudimentary.  A  secondary  school  [Zentralschule]  was  established  in  Lugovsk 
in  1908,  moving  into  a  brand  new  building  in  1910.  Medical  services  were  at  first  primitive,  but 
in  time  there  was  a  doctor.  In  1 907  a  hospital  founded  by  G.  G.  Voth  was  dedicated  in  Pleshanovo; 
it  was  enlarged  when  the  district  took  over  its  management  in  1912. 

In  time  there  were  small  shops  in  each  village,  with  two  larger  stores  in  the  colony.  By 
1917  there  were  two  farm  implement  dealers,  a  cheese  factory,  a  number  of  metal  machine  shops, 
furniture  factories  and  one  painting  business.  There  were  three  steam  driven  flour  mills  and  one 
water-powered  mill  on  the  Tok  River. 

The  Pleshanovo  Mennonite  Church  was  established  in  1 89 1 ,  the  first  services  taking  place 
at  a  temporary  camp  near  the  mill  on  the  Tok  River.  A  sanctuary  meant  to  serve  the  whole  colony 
was  built  in  the  village  of  Pleshanovo,  and  dedicated  in  1900.  In  1905  the  elder  was  Daniel 
Boschmann,  and  the  baptized  membership  stood  at  1,034. 

Only  few  initial  settlers  were  Mennonite  Brethren,  but  their  numbers  swelled  through  the 
work  of  itinerant  ministers  such  as  David  Duerksen  of  the  Crimea.  Abram  Martens  was  leader  of 
the  congregation  from  1893  to  1926.  A  large  church  building  was  erected  in  Lugovsk,  the 
dedication  service  being  held  on  October  7, 1901 .  Three  thousand  guests  packed  the  sanctuary  for 
the  celebration.  In  1 909  an  Allianz  church  was  established  in  Donskoye,  erecting  a  building  in  that 
village.  In  time  the  members  drifted  to  the  Mennonite  Brethren,  Donskoye  becoming  an  affiliate 
of  the  Lugovsk  congregation. 

Neu  Samara  suffered  little  during  the  revolution,  but  the  front  passed  through  the  area  on 
several  occasions  during  the  civil  war.  In  1919-20  the  Neu  Samara  settlement  became  part  of  the 
Bashkir  Republic,  beginning  a  period  of  frequent  requisitioning  and  oppression.  Following  the 
request  of  a  delegation  sent  to  Moscow,  Neu  Samara  and  Orenburg  were  transferred  to  the 
administration  of  the  Russian  regional  government  in  1921.  In  the  1920s  a  number  of  people  left 
the  area,  at  least  104  migrating  to  Canada  in  1926. 

During  the  collectivization  of  1929-30  many,  especially  wealthier  farmers  and  religious 
leaders,  were  exiled  to  Siberia  or  the  far  north.  The  settlement  itself,  however,  was  not  totally 
destroyed,  leaving  a  considerable  number  of  Mennonites  in  the  area.  Church  congregations  were 
disbanded,  especially  after  the  imprisonment  of  most  of  the  leadership,  the  buildings  being  used 
as  clubs  or  for  schools.  Initially  all  14  villages  formed  one  collective  farm,  but  later  they  were 
divided  into  three  administrative  regions. 

Religious  life  seems  to  have  persisted,  and  showed  renewal  even  during  Stalin’s  later  years. 
There  were  many  obstacles  to  overcome,  imprisonment  was  still  a  constant  threat,  but  by  1976  a 
Mennonite  Brethren  church  was  registered  in  Donskoye,  and  on  April  15,  1978  construction  of  a 


97 


new  church  building  was  begun.  By  the  1980s  there  was  a  flourishing  Mennonite  Brethren 
congregation  in  Donskoye,  with  Pastor  Daniel  Janzen.  The  land  in  the  region  was  part  of  the  Karl 
Marx  Collective  Farm,  centred  in  Podolysk. 

In  recent  years,  particularly  after  the  breakdown  of  the  Iron  Curtain,  many  Mennonites  have 
left  the  area,  migrating  to  Germany  as  Aussiedler. 


Sources: 

Brucks,  J.  H.,  and  Hooge,  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  Tock,  Clearbrook,  B.  C.,  1964 
Janzen,  Daniel,  Die  Mennoniten  in  Russland,  unpublished  article,  1 998 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  54,  134-135 


Neu  Samara  Colony 


98 


ELDER  DAVID  GERHARD 
DUERKSEN 
[1850-1910] 

Special  invited  guest  speaker  at  the 
Lugovsk  dedication  service 

David  Duerksen  was  bom  in  the  Molotschna,  likely  in  Margenau.  Not  having  opportunity 
for  further  education,  he  was  largely  a  self  taught  man.  Even  early  on  his  talents  were  recognized, 
leading  to  his  appointment  as  village  teacher.  In  a  few  years  the  previously  neglected  Margenau 
school  was  considered  to  be  one  of  the  best  in  the  Gnadenfeld  Volost. 

Duerksen’ s  teaching  skills  and  spiritual  gifts  were  so  well  thought  of  that  he  was  elected 
as  minister  of  the  Margenau  Mennonite  Church.  Here  he  soon  demonstrated  an  independent,  yet 
devout  spirit,  in  that  he  preached  without  using  the  old  prescribed 
sermons,  and  prayed  spontaneously.  This  delighted  some,  but  aroused 
the  opposition  of  others  in  the  congregation.  In  1884  and  1885  a 
considerable  number  of  people  in  the  area,  including  ministers,  joined 
the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  Duerksen  among  them.  He  began 
worshipping  with  the  Rueckenau  Mennonite  Brethren  congregation. 

Recognizing  his  evangelistic  fervour  and  his  skill  at  preaching,  he  was 
chosen  as  an  itinerant  minister  for  the  entire  Mennonite  Brethren 
Conference.  In  this  capacity  Duerksen  visited  most  Mennonite 
settlements  in  European  and  Asiatic  Russia,  as  well  as  the  United  States 
and  Germany.  In  his  travels  he  also  preached  in  the  recently 
established  Neu  Samara,  greatly  increasing  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
presence  in  that  colony. 

In  1897  the  Spat-Schoental  congregation  extended  a  call  to 
Duerksen  to  assume  responsibility  for  leadership  of  the  growing 
Mennonite  Brethren  constituency.  Knowing  that  this  might  somewhat  limit  the  sphere  of  his 
activities  to  the  local  area,  he  nonetheless  accepted,  and  moved  to  Schoental.  In  1 899  Duerksen  was 
ordained  as  elder,  with  Elder  Aron  Lepp  of  Chortitza  and  Elder  David  Schellenberg  of  Rueckenau 
presiding.  The  Spat-Schoental  congregation  became  organizationally  independent,  with  sanctuaries 
in  Spat  [1887]  and  Schoental  [1905].  In  1902  membership  stood  at  330,  with  500  additional 
adherents. 

David  Duerksen  was  called  “a  prince  among  Mennonite  preachers”.  Even  when  he  had 
specific  obligations  in  the  Crimea,  his  heart  was  in  evangelism;  he  was  also  called  upon  to  speak 
at  many  special  occasions.  His  sermons  were  always  “very  well  worked  out,  and  prepared  on  his 
knees”.  He  preached  with  deep  conviction  and  great  enthusiasm. 

Duerksen  was  a  well  respected  teacher,  having  been  in  that  profession  for  1 8  years,  and  in 
the  Crimea  was  a  member  of  the  board  which  supervised  the  teaching  of  religion  and  German  in  the 
schools.  He  organized  monthly  youth  meetings  [Jugendvereine] ,  not  only  planning  them,  but  often 
writing  poems,  plays  and  songs  for  the  programs.  He  wrote  extensively;  one  hundred  of  his 
sermons  are  extant  and  testify  to  his  widespread  concerns. 

The  question  of  open  communion  which  plagued  the  Ruekenau  church  also  flared  up  in  the 
Crimea.  Duerksen  in  time  came  to  side  with  those  who  would  restrict  communion  to  baptized 
members  only.  This  controversy  caused  him  some  difficulties  towards  the  end  of  his  career. 

David  Duerksen  was  married  to  Anna  Martens  of  Hamberg,  Molotschna  on  November  23, 


99 


1871.  She  was  a  loving  support  for  his  work.  The  couple  had  nine  children,  of  which  five  survived 
to  adulthood,  Gerhard  [later  a  medical  doctor],  Katharina  [married  Jacob  C.  Reimer],  David, 
Johann,  and  another  girl.  Anna  died  September  20,  1906. 

It  seems  that  after  Anna’s  death  Duerksen  remarried,  the  bride  being  suggested  by  a  friend 
of  his.  Apparently  the  marriage  was  not  a  happy  one. 

After  nine  months  of  painful  suffering  David  Duerksen  died  on  July29,  1910;  the  funeral 
was  on  August  4.  He,  despite  having  been  involved  in  some  controversies,  seems  to  have  been  able 
to  bridge  the  gaps  to  continue  ministry.  For  more  than  two  decades  he  was  one  of  the  strongest 
influences  for  the  awakening,  nurturing  and  furthering  the  spiritual  life  in  the  Russian  Mennonite 
churches. 


Sources: 

Brucks,  J.  H.,  and  Hooge,  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  Tock,  Clearbrook,  B.  C.,  1964,  pp  85,  86 
Duerksen,  David,  family  tree 

Durksen,  Martin,  Die  Krim  war  unsere  Heimat,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1977,  pp  150-51 
Durksen,  Martin,  family  tree 

Friesen,  P.  M.  pp.  193,  202,  216,  324,  373,  407,  410,  414,  415,  439-42,  445,  458, 
466-468,  470,  479,  529,  530,  561,  563,  720,  723 
Mennonitisches  Lexikon 
News  Item,  Zionsbote,  7  September  1910,  p  5 

News  Item,  Zionsbote,  A  brief  obituary  of  David  Duerksen,  21  September  1910,  p  9 
Obituary  of  Anna  Duerksen  [Martens],  written  by  David  G.  Duerksen,  Mennonitische 
Rundschau,  28  November  1906,  p  10 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  83,  89,  90,  369 


100 


ELDER  DAVID  SCHELLENBERG 

[1852-1919] 

Special  invited  guest  speaker  at  the 
Lugovsk  dedication  service 

David  Schellenberg  was  bom  in  Neukirch,  Molotschna,  on  September  13,  1852,  to 
Abraham  and  Maria  Schellenberg.  His  elementary  school  education  was  supplemented  by 
extensive  reading.  Initially  a  very  enthusiastic  and  well  thought  of  Sunday  school  teacher,  he  was 
ordained  to  the  ministry  on  October  2,  1 876,  at  the  age  of  24.  He  commented  “It  came  as  a  surprise 
to  me;  I  did  not  think  I  had  the  gift,  but  really  one  could  not  refuse.”  Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg, 
his  older  brother,  emigrated  to  the  United  States  in  1 879,  taking  part  of  the  Rueckenau  congregation 
with  him.  David  Schellenberg  was  elected  elder  of  the  remaining  membership  on  April  14,  1881, 
and  was  ordained  on  May  23,  1882. 

Particularly  in  his  earlier  ministry  Elder  David  Schellenberg  was  modest  and  wise,  and 
gladly  recognized  the  talents  of  others.  On  July  6,  1886,  he  presided  at  the  ordination  of  a  number 
of  ministers,  Jakob  Reimer,  David  Duerksen,  Peter  Bergmann  as  well  as  Isaak  Koop  and  Isaak 
Friesen.  The  celebration  was  described  as  a  well  attended  time  of  blessing.  The  Rueckenau  church 
was  recognized  as  being  rich  in  those  capable  of  the  teaching  ministry,  and  so  was  willing  to  send 
out  itinerant  ambassadors.  In  this  capacity  “David  Schellenberg  was  able  in  1890  to  accept  it  as 
God’s  will  that  he  embark  on  a  trip  to  the  Mennonite  Brethren  churches  of  America.  He,  through 
proclamation  of  the  Word  and  various  other  activities,  was  a  blessing  to  many,  as  he  himself  was 
also  blessed.”  Schellenberg  sent  a  number  of  reports  of  this  trip  to  the  Mennonite  publications. 
He  and  a  number  of  others  travelled  to  America  via  Berlin,  Bremen,  New  York  and  Chicago;  he 
was  particularly  impressed  by  the  Berlin  Zoo  and  the  Brooklyn  Bridge.  From  September  to 
December  1890,  Schellenberg  visited  churches  and  various  acquaintances  in  Kansas,  Nebraska, 
Minnesota,  the  Dakotas  and  even  Manitoba.  Together  with  others,  including  his  older  brother, 
Elder  Abraham  Schellenberg,  he  preached  in  many  of  the  churches  and  participated  in  conferences. 

In  1 899  David  Duerksen  was  ordained  elder  of  the  Spat-Schoental  congregation  by  Aron 
Lepp  [Chortitza]  and  David  Schellenberg.  He,  as  elder  of  the  Molotschna  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church,  represented  the  mother  church  at  Rueckenau  in  the  dedication  of  the  sanctuary  of  the 
affiliate  daughter  church  at  Lugovsk.  On  May  3,  1904,  Schellenberg  ordained  A.  H.  Unruh  as  a 
minister  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  Barvenkovo. 

The  travel  bug  seems  to  have  bitten  Elder  Schellenberg;  he  made  at  least  two  more 
extensive  trips  to  America.  April  to  September,  1 908  he  travelled  “from  Saskatchewan  to  Oregon 
and  California.”  He  again  visited  the  New  World  from  December,  1913  to  June,  1914. 

Besides  writing  travel  reports  Schellenberg  also  penned  a  number  of  articles  published  in 
the  Zionsbote.  He  covered  a  variety  of  subjects,  such  as  “Giving,”  “What  God  does  with  Mankind” 
and  “One  in  the  Spirit.” 

Elder  Schellenberg  was  caught  up  in  the  “open  communion”  controversy  which  erupted 
in  the  Rueckenau  church,  taking  the  more  restrictive  approach.  Eventually,  together  with  some 
questions  about  his  personal  life,  which  may  have  had  something  to  do  with  finances,  this  dispute 
led  to  his  being  deposed  from  the  office  of  elder  at  Pentecost  of  1909.  The  last  ten  years  of  his  life 
were  spent  quietly,  in  fellowship  as  a  church  member,  but  not  as  elder. 

David  Schellenberg  married  Lena  Ens  in  1879;  the  couple  had  four  children.  Lena  died  in 
1 903,  and  David  married  Sara  Koop  [Klassen]  in  1 904.  He  died  in  1 9 1 9,  his  funeral  being  held  on 
March  3,  just  before  the  Red  Army  invaded  the  Molotschna. 


101 


Sources: 

Brucks,  J.  H.  and  Hooge,  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  Tock,  Clearbrook,  Canada,  1964,  p  86 
Ewert,  Wilhelm  F.,  Letter  to  the  editor,  Zionsbote,  16  October  1901,  p  4 
Friesen,  P.  M„  pp  407,  410,  414,  415,  439-442,  445,  458,  468,  530,  720,  723 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  20  July  1904,  p  9 
Schellenberg,  David,  Letters  to  the  Editor,  Zionsbote,  29  October  1890,  p  4; 

5  November  1890,  p  2;  12  November  1890,  pp  2,  3;  17  December  1890,  p  4; 
1  June  1910,  pp  3,  4 

Schellenberg,  David,  Geben,  Zionsbote,  30  July  1902,  pp  L  2 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  81,  89,  91,  101,  304,  305 


102 


ELDER  KORNELIUS  A.  FEHR 

[1846-1920] 

Special  invited  guest  speaker  at  the 
Lugovsk  dedication  service 

Komelius  Fehr  was  bom  in  1846,  likely  in  the  Chortitza  Colony.  He  married  Margaretha 
Koslowsky  in  1868,  but  it  appears  that  the  couple  had  no  living  children.  About  1877  both  were 
converted,  and  in  1 885  Komelius  was  appointed  deacon  of  the  Einlage  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 
In  1893  he  was  commissioned  as  minister. 

In  1900  Fehr  moved  to  the  Orenburg  Colony,  likely  settling  in  the  village  of  Kamenka. 
Despite  there  being  only  five  Mennonite  Brethren  families  in  Kamenka,  a  sandstone  house  of 
worship  was  built  there,  with  the  strong  financial  backing  of  Fehr.  The  building  was  completed  and 
dedicated  in  1900.  The  following  year  the  Kamenka  congregation,  initially  an  affiliate  of  Einlage, 
became  independent.  Fehr  was  commissioned  elder  on  July  17, 1901,  the  presiding  minister  at  the 
ceremony  being  Elder  Aron  Lepp  of  Einlage,  Chortitza. 

Shortly  after  his  commissioning  Elder  Fehr  represented  the  Orenburg  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church  at  the  Lugovsk  church  dedication.  Fehr  had  a  long  history  of  being  active  in  various 
conferences  and  meetings.  He  was  recorded  as  having  been  at  a  convention  in  Einlage  May  20, 
1882  and  intermittently  through  the  years  to  at  least  1913,  when  he  represented  Kamenka  at  a 
convention  in  Spat.  He  participated,  occasionally  playing  a  minor  role,  never  being  a  major  force 
in  conference  activities.  On  at  least  one  occasion  he  travelled  to  Siberia  as  minister,  and  also 
participated  in  the  distribution  of  flour  to  poor  people. 

Fehr’s  own  congregation  in  Orenburg  grew,  in  1902  having  176  members,  in  1904  there 
were  259,  and  in  1906  this  had  increased  to  288.  Eventually  the  membership  split  into  three 
congregations. 

Towards  the  end  of  December  of  1919  both  Margaretha  and  Komelius  became  ill  with 
typhus.  Margaretha  succumbed  December  30,  while  Komelius  died  a  few  days  later,  early  on 
January  1 , 1 920.  Altogether  they  had  1 2  foster  children  in  their  home,  of  which  only  one  survived 
them.  A  combined  funeral  was  held  in  the  Kamenka  sanctuary  on  January  3;  the  building  was  far 
too  small  to  hold  the  large  number  of  mourners.  Ministers  at  the  funeral  were  Gerhard  Neufeld, 
David  Franz,  David  Paetkau,  and  Elder  H.  Rempel  of  the  Orenburg  Mennonite  Church.  It  was  said 
of  Margaretha  and  Komelius  Fehr  “Their  life  has  honoured  the  Lord.” 


Sources: 

Brucks,  J.  H.,  and  Hooge,  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  Tock,  Clearbrook,  B.  C.,  1964,  p  86 
Dueck,  Abe  J.,  Moving  Beyond  Secession:  Defining  Russian  Mennonite  Brethren  Mission 
and  Identity  1872-1922,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1997,  pp  41,  55, 
58,  66,  69,  75,76,  77,81,87 

Fast,  Karl,  Orenburg:  die  letzte  Mennonitische  Ansiedlung  in  Osteuropa,  Das  Bunte  Fenster, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1995,  pp  37-40,  150 
Friesen,  P.M.,  p  476 

News  Item,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  26  Mar  1924,  p  13 


103 


KORNELIUS  GERHARD  NEUFELD 

[1871-1946] 

Conductor  of  the  visiting  Ufa  choir 

Komelius  Gerhard  Neufeld  was  bom  on  February  25,  1871  in  Alexanderkrone, 
Molotschna,  where  he  spent  his  early  childhood.  He  was  baptized  on  confession  of  faith  and  joined 
the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  at  the  age  of  18,  remaining  a  member  up  to  the  time  of  his  death. 
He  began  his  education  in  Ohrloff,  graduating  from  the  high  school  in  1 888.  He  taught  for  three 
years  at  in  intermediate  school  in  Sagradovka,  then  from  1895  to  1897  continued  more  advanced 
studies  at  a  Theological  Seminary  and  the  University  of  Basel  in  Switzerland.  He  then  moved  to 
Davlekanovo,  Ufa  Colony,  where  he  was  appointed  principal  of  the  elementary  school. 

Komelius  was  ordained  as  a  minister  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  but  also  had 
special  interests  in  teaching  and  music.  He  was  described  as  very  talented  and  progressive;  he  had 
a  striking  appearance,  and  loved  to  wear  a  white  vest  on  special  occasions.  During  his  time  in  Ufa 
he  continued  to  function  as  a  Mennonite  Brethren  minister,  and  likely  was  the  choir  conductor  for 
the  local  congregation.  It  is  in  this  capacity  that  Komelius  Neufeld  and  his  choir  will  have 
performed  at  the  dedication  ceremonies  at  Lugovsk. 

From  1902  to  1905  he  taught  in  Neu  Samara,  likely  in  Lugovsk,  then  went  on  to  study  at 
Spurgeon’s  Pastors  College  in  London,  England.  He  must  have  been  an  observer  or  an  auditing 
student,  for  he  is  not  on  the  official  registry  of  the  school.  During  his  travels  Komelius  studied  at 
various  places  in  Germany  and  Austria  as  well.  Wherever  he  went  he  also  took  in  musical 
performances.  He  heard  cathedral  choirs  in  Moscow,  St.  Petersburg,  Berlin  and  Rome.  He  had 
listened  to  Bach’s  St.  Matthew ’s  Passion 
in  Basel  and  Mendelsohn’s  St.  Paul  in 
Dresden.  According  to  his  own  account 
the  most  memorable  experience,  however, 
was  hearing  Handel’s  Messiah  performed 
by  a  4,000  voice  choir  at  the  Crystal 
Palace  in  London  in  May  of  1906. 

On  his  return  to  Russia  Komelius 
continued  on  as  a  minister,  and  is  listed  as 
such  by  the  Lugovsk  congregation,  but  he 
also  played  an  important  part  in  music 
workshops  which  were  held  in  various 
Mennonite  colonies.  He  was  elected 
chairman  of  a  new  choral  association  of 
choirs  and  conductors  of  the  Ufa,  Neu 
Samara,  Alt  Samara  and  Orenburg 
colonies. 

In  1908  Komelius  was  appointed  principal  of  the  newly  established  Zentralschule  in 
Davlekanovo,  Ufa  Colony,  being  one  of  two  teachers  that  year.  The  school  was  unusual,  in  that 
it  was  coeducational;  enrollment  went  from  44  the  first  year  to  87  in  the  second  and  130  pupils  in 
the  third  year.  Teacher  Neufeld  had  the  special  skill  to  enthuse  young  people.  He  held  weekly 
lectures  open  to  students  and  the  public  in  which  he  covered  a  wide  range  of  subjects.  He  edited 
a  periodical  “. Aujwaerts ,”  which  at  first  emphasized  choral  music,  but  then  broadened  its  scope  to 
interest  all  aspects  of  youth  work.  Despite  support  from  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Conference, 
Neufeld  found  the  financial  burden  of  the  publication  to  be  too  heavy,  so  he  discontinued  this 


The  Crystal  Palace,  London,  built  for  the 
Great  Exposition  of  1851 


104 


project  after  two  years. 

Komelius  married  Maria  Friesen  in  1895;  the  couple  had  four  children,  Maria,  Lillian, 
Komelius,  and  another  which  died  in  infancy.  The  family  was  emigrating  to  the  United  States 
when  his  wife  died  in  late  1913;  she  was  buried  in  Germany.  The  remaining  Neufeld  family  landed 
in  New  York  and  first  settled  in  Fairmead,  then  in  Reedly,  California.  Komelius  married  Louise 
Schapansky  in  1916.  In  his  later  years  he  pastored  churches  in  Rosedale  and  Shafter,  California. 
He  died  in  Bakersfield  on  May  2,  1946,  after  an  illness  of  about  nine  months. 


Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985, 
pp  28-33 

Bracks,  J.  H.,  Neu-Samara  am  Took,  Clearbrook,  Canada,  1964,  p  86 
Ewert,  William  F.,  Letter  to  the  Editor,  Zionsbote,  16  October  1901,  p  4 
Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  624,  672 

Hein,  Gerhard,  Editor,  Ufa:  Die  mennonitische  Ansiedlung  bei  Ufa  am  Uralgebirge  1894-1938, 
July,  1975,  numerous  references 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  p  135 

Obituary  of  Komelius  G.  Neufeld,  Zionsbote,  10  July,  1946,  p  12 

Powles,  J.  C.,  Librarian,  Spurgeon’s  College,  London,  England,  Letter,  15  May  1998 


105 


LIEDERPERLEN  AND  THE  HALLELUJAH  CHORUS 


In  the  mid  and  late  nineteenth 
century  new  music  was  entering  the 
repertoire  of  some  of  the  Mennonite 
churches  and  choirs  of  Russia  - 
particularly  among  the  Mennonite 
Brethren.  Initially  new  music  had  to  be 
ordered  from  Germany  or  North  America, 
but  this  then  had  to  be  transposed  into 
Ziffern,  with  which  the  Mennonite  singers 
were  familiar.  Ziffern  is  a  system  of 
musical  notation  using  numbers  to 
represent  notes,  popularized  among  the 
Mennonites  by  Heinrich  Franz  [Sr.],  a 
long  time  teacher  in  the  Mennonite 
colonies  of  South  Russia. 

Publication  of  Liederperlen  by 
Isaak  Bom  began  in  1889.  A  considerable 
portion  of  the  music  came  from  American 
German  gospel  collections  such  as  Evangeliums-Lieder,  the  rest  were  taken  from  Swiss  and 

German  sources.  In  time  music  written 
by  Mennonite  composers  such  as  Aron 
Sawatzky  also  appeared,  and  the  scope 
widened  even  more  to  include  world 
recognized  classical  music  scores.  The 
Hallelujah  Chorus ,  part  of  Handel’s 
Messiah,  was  transposed  to  Ziffern  and 
printed  in  the  1896  second  edition  of 
Liederperlen,  edited  by  Heinrich  Braun 
of  Neu-Halbstadt,  Taurien.  It  is  quite 
likely  that  Komelius  Neufeld’s  choir 
from  Ufa  used  this  songbook  for  its 
performance  in  Lugovsk  in  1901 . 

More  editions  of  Liederperlen 
were  printed  over  the  years.  The  third 
[  1 897]  was  collected  by  H.  J.  Braun,  the 
fourth  [1900]  by  Isaak  Bom,  the  fifth 
[1903]  also  by  Isaak  Bom.  It  was 
labelled  as  “A  collection  of  lovely 
songs  for  mixed  choir.”  The  sixth 
edition  [1907]  was  by  Heinrich  Braun  of  Nikolaipol,  the  seventh  [1910]  and  eighth  [1912]  were 
gathered  by  Komelius  Neufeld  of  Davlekanovo,  Ufa  Colony. 

Sources: 

Berg,  Wesley,  From  Russia  with  Music,  Hyperion  Press  Limited,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1985. 

pp  16-18,  26 

Braun,  Heinrich,  Liederperlen,  Part  II,  Neu-Halbstadt,  Russia,  1896,  pp  125-131 


Hallelujah  in  Ziffern  in  the  1896  edition  of 
Liederperlen 


Title  page  of  1896  edition  of  Liederperlen 
Right  lower  comer  smudged  from  much  use! 


106 


17.  FIRES  m  1904 


In  the  Molotschna  Colony  the  summer  of  1 904  was  dry  and  hot.  No  rain  had  fallen 
since  May  22,  and  the  temperature  in  early  July  was  30°R  [37.5°C].  Hay  crops  were 
suffering,  although  some  of  the  other  grains  did  manage  a  fair  yield. 

Heinrich  Thiessen  of  Michailovka  reported  an  unusual  number  of  fires  in  the 
Molotschna  in  August  and  September.  A  strong  prevailing  wind  from  the  east  only  helped 
the  rapid  spread  of  flames  once  a  fire  began.  Peter  Goossen  of  Lindenau  felt  that  some  fires 
were  started  by  arsonists,  but  others  came  about  through  carelessness. 

A  prairie  fire  began  near  Hierschau,  likely  in  August,  then  spread  to  the  Hamberg 
steppe.  While  no  buildings  were  reported  burned,  it  destroyed  much  grain  which  had 
already  been  cut,  with  losses  said  to  be  enormous. 

Then  the  action  really  started!  In  late  August  or  early  September  a  huge  fire  caused 
considerable  destruction  in  Muensterberg.  Five  small  farms  were  completely  destroyed. 
The  fire  also  struck  six  large  farmsteads,  one  was  totally  destroyed,  the  others  were  left  with 
houses  only  and  one  additional  bam.  In  Tiegenhagen  one  large  farmstead  was  completely 
destroyed  on  September  1 1 ,  while  in  another  six  only  the  houses  were  saved. 

A  substantial  part  of  Rueckenau  was  destroyed  by  a  huge  conflagration  on 
September  13.  Possibly  spreading  from  the  surrounding  steppes,  the  fire  started  on  the  first 
farm  at  the  east  end  of  the  village,  lower  [north]  side  of  the  street.  Despite  all  efforts  to 
contain  the  blaze,  it  raced  up  the  street,  driven  by  the  wind,  eventually  reaching  the  western 
end  of  the  village.  Remarkably  only  one  farmstead  remained  intact  on  that  side  of  the  street, 
that  of  Cornelius  Penner,  where  not  even  the  straw  stacks  burned!  Seven  additional  houses 
were  also  spared,  although  the  rest  of  the  farmsteads  had  been  destroyed.  The  wind  was  a 
fickle  foe,  and  periodically  shifted  directions,  so  the  fire  also  jumped  to  the  upper,  south 
side  of  the  street.  It  swept  down  a  row  of  houses,  claiming  at  least  five  small  farmsteads, 
stopping  only  at  the  school  and  store,  which  were  situated  on  the  Mittelstrasse.  Two  young 
men,  a  son  of  the  storekeeper  and  a  Russian  farmhand,  were  working  in  the  bam.  They 
heard  cries  of  panic,  upon  which  the  hired  hand  leaped  down  to  the  ground,  landing  on  a 
huge  pile  of  watermelons.  They  both  ran  out  to  help  control  the  fire.  Widow  Peter  Neufeld, 
who  lived  near  the  Mittelstrasse,  being  obese  and  short  of  breath,  luckily  had  enough  breath 
left  to  call  for  help,  otherwise  she  may  have  succumbed  to  the  fire.  One  woman  was  so 
confused  that  she  returned  to  her  burning  house  to  save  what  she  could.  She  began  to  throw 
crockery  out  through  the  window,  of  course  smashing  it  in  the  process. 

In  all,  at  least  35  farmsteads  were  totally  or  partially  destroyed  in  Rueckenau.  At 
first  the  refugees  were  housed  in  the  church  and  school,  but  then  they  had  to  find 
accommodations  with  relatives  in  neighbouring  villages  while  their  farmsteads  were  being 
rebuilt.  The  day  after  the  fire  some  of  the  people  were  digging  among  the  ruins,  hoping  to 
find  at  least  some  half  burned  grain  to  feed  their  cattle.  It  was  said  that  a  number  of 
farmers,  owning  what  they  thought  to  be  fairly  fireproof  buildings,  had  very  little  insurance 
coverage. 

The  same  ill-fated  September  13  two  large  farmsteads  were  destroyed  by  fire  in 


107 


Blumstein,  another  two  or  three  losing  straw  stacks  and  threshing  facilities.  Also  during 
this  time  two  farmsteads  burned  in  Altonau,  one  being  completely  destroyed,  as  well  as  one 
in  Margenau  and  another  in  Gnadenthal  [September  25]. 

Despite  the  many  fires  in  the  Molotschna  that  summer,  there  was  no  loss  of  life, 
although  some  people  in  Rueckenau  literally  escaped  with  only  the  clothing  on  their  backs. 

No  report  mentions  fire  fighting  methods.  The  one  reference  to  equipment  is  by 
Jakob  Wiens  of  Tiegerweide,  the  village  immediately  to  the  west  of  Rueckenau.  When  he 
heard  the  news  of  the  fire  he  commented  “We  reacted  to  the  news  with  fear  and  trembling, 
in  that  there  was  a  strong  eastwind  [presumably  there  was  some  danger  of  the  fire  spreading 
to  the  next  village].  We  prepared  the  Spritze  [small  fire  wagon?],  harnessed  my  horse,  then 
set  off  to  observe  the  frightening  spectacle  at  closer  range.  In  a  quarter  of  an  hour  we 
reached  the  first  farm  on  the  west  end  of  the  village  and  helped  the  Sukkaus  clear  out  their 
belongings.”  No  mention  is  made  of  the  use  of  the  fire  wagon.  It  was  undoubtedly  far  too 
little,  too  late. 

The  general  tendency  was  for  farmers  to  rebuild  as  soon  as  possible,  especially  since 
it  was  already  late  in  the  year.  It  was  mentioned  by  a  number  of  correspondents  that 
unfortunately  there  was  a  shortage  of  building  materials  such  as  bricks  and  tiles.  This  made 
it  unlikely  that  all  the  victims  of  the  fire  would  be  in  their  new  homes  before  winter  set  in. 
By  November  5  the  weather  was  reported  to  be  no  longer  suitable  for  construction.  The 
next  summer  it  was  noted  that  people  in  Rueckenau  were  very  busy  building,  and  that 
rumour  had  it  that  some  of  the  farmers  were  constructing  very  nice  homes. 

There  was  also  a  spiritual  lesson  to  be  learned  from  these  catastrophes.  Jakob  Wiens 
of  Tiegerweide  commented  “May  the  Lord  protect  us  from  further  mishap,  so  sighs  many 
a  person  during  this  time.  We  ever  more  learn  that  ‘Unless  the  Lord  watches  over  the  city, 
the  watchmen  stand  guard  in  vain’  [Psalm  127:16].” 


Sources: 

Gislason,  Leona  Wiebe,  Rueckenau,  Toronto,  Canada,  1998,  p  78 
Goossen,  Peter,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  2  November  1904,  pp  4,  5 
Huebert,  M.,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  31  August  1904,  p  3 
Huebert,  M.,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  5  October  1904,  p  9 
Martens,  John,  Interview  by  Leona  Wiebe  Gislason,  1994 

News  item  from  Odesser  Zeitung  in  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  26  October  1904,  p  9 
News  Item,  Mennonitisch  Rundschau,  5  July  1905,  p  9 

Thiessen,  Heinrich  J.,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  9  November  1904,  pp  4,  5 
Wiens,  Jakob,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  19  October  1904,  p  4 
Woelk,  Jakob,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  21  December  1904,  p  5 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Western  Molotschna  Colony  and  Halbstadt 
Weather  in  the  Molotschna  Colony 
Fire  Insurance 


108 


Western  Molotschna  Colony  and  Halbstadt,  showing  the  villages  which  had  fires  in  1904 


109 


WEATHER  IN  THE  MOLOTSCHNA  COLONY 


Climate  in  the  Molotschna  had  a  distinctly  continental  flavour,  with  extremes  being 
common.  Summer  temperatures  were  usually  16-20°R  [Reaumur  temperature  scale  was  used], 
which  is  20-25  °C.  Maximum  temperatures  recorded  in  Halbstadt  and  Ohrloff  were  3 1  °R  [about 
39°C  or  102°F]  in  July  of  1850.  The  temperature  of  30°R  in  the  summer  of  1904  was  therefore 
near  record  highs.  Combined  with  dry  winds,  the  heat  sometimes  resulted  in  severe  droughts. 

Overall  yearly  precipitation  in  the  Molotschna  was  low,  averaging  30-35  cm.  [12-14 
inches],  most  coming  in  May,  June  and  July.  In  1904  no  rain  was  reported  after  May  22,  so 
conditions  were  indeed  more  dry  than  the  average. 

The  unusually  high  temperatures,  the  absence  of  rain  and  the  strong  wind  from  the  east 
certainly  combined  to  make  the  Molotschna  a  dry  tinderbox.  waiting  to  bum! 

Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  20,  21 

Molotschna  Report,  Unterhaltungs  Blatt,  August  1851,  p  63  and  January  1852 

Rempel,  David,  The  Mennonite  Colonies  in  New  Russia,  PhD  dissertation,  Stanford  University, 
July,  1933 

Thiessen,  Heinrich,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  17  July  1901,  p  2 


FIRE  INSURANCE 

The  Molotschna  Colony  had  a  well  established  community  fire  insurance.  Payment  of 
insurance  premiums  and  methods  of  fire  prevention  were  compulsory.  With  danger  of  fire  in  mind, 
many  farmers  changed  thatched  roofs  to  tiles.  Cornelius  Penner  of  Rueckenau  had  his  farmstead 
burned  out  ten  years  prior  to  the  1904  fire,  and  had  tiles  on  all  his  new  roofs.  This  may  have  saved 
his  household  even  though  all  his  neighbours  burned. 

From  1872  to  1882  payment  for  fire  losses  in  the  Molotschna  averaged  45.200  rubles  per 
year.  By  1909  it  had  risen  to  55,831  rubles,  although  this  included  some  of  the  other  Mennonite 
colonies.  The  payouts  represented  two-thirds  of  the  assessed  value  of  the  buildings,  and  specified 
amounts  for  machinery  and  animals.  It  seems  that  fanners  did  have  some  choice  as  to  the  exact 
extent  of  insurance  coverage.  Payment  of  premiums  depended  on  the  needs  of  the  comm  unity,  the 
more  fires  for  the  year,  the  higher  the  premiums.  With  this  in  mind  Peter  Goossen,  in  1904, 
lamented  that  "  in  spite  of  fairly  good  crops  it  will  be  difficult  for  many  to  pay  so  much  fire 
insurance  premium 


Sources: 

Goossen,  Peter,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  2  November  1904,  pp  4,  5 
Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  145,  146 
Klaus,  A.,  Unsere  Kolonien,  Odesser  Zeitung,  Odessa,  1887,  pp  229,  230 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  15  February  1883,  p  2 
News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  16  January  1910,  p  4 


110 


18.  EXPOSITION  IN  HALBSTADT 
AUGUST  14-16, 1909 

The  Molotschna  section  of  the  Royal  Russian  Fruit  Growers  Association  [Kaiserlich 
Russischen  Obstbauverein ]  planned  an  exposition  [ Obstbauaustellung ]  for  August  14-16, 
1909.  It  was  to  be  held  in  Halbstadt  in  the  building  and  on  the  grounds  of  the  School  of 
Commerce  [Kommerzschule].  There  would  also  be  some  opportunity  for  related 
agricultural  products  to  be  displayed.  The  organizing  committee  placed  several 
announcements  in  the  newspaper  Friedensstimme,  asking  that  those  who  were  interested 
in  mounting  displays  to  contact  the  secretary  of  the  Association,  Fr.  Wall  of  Muntau,  by 
August  1.  They  could  then  discuss  space  requirements  as  well  as  other  arrangements. 

On  the  morning  of  August  14  the  president  of  the  Association,  P.  Wiebe,  officially 
opened  the  exposition.  In  his  welcoming  remarks  to  the  considerable  number  of  visitors  at 
hand,  he  emphasized  that  the  Association  had  begun  and  continued  its  efforts  in  the  context 
of  its  motto,  Colossians  3:17.  This  reads:  “And,  whatever  you  do,  whether  in  word  or  deed, 
do  it  all  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  giving  thanks  to  God  the  Father  through  him.” 
Wiebe  continued  by  explaining  the  three  objectives  the  Association  had  set  for  the 
exposition.  First,  to  inform  the  public  about  the  state  of  fruit  growing  and  gardening. 
Second,  to  introduce  and  promote  new  varieties  of  fruit.  Third,  to  give  opportunity  to  sell 
products. 

The  person  who  reported  on  the  exposition  [no  name  was  given,  but  initials  were 
H.  Sch.]  felt  that  it  should  not  be  judged  by  international  standards,  but  rather  as  the 
“accomplishments  of  a  small  group  of  pioneer  farmers  lost  on  the  treeless  steppes  of  South 
Russia.”  With  this  in  mind,  he  thought,  the  results  were  worthy  of  praise! 

The  exposition  included  the  display  of,  and  then  the  judging  of  fruit  in  various 
categories.  The  judges  were  experts  from  the  Simferopol  section  of  the  Royal  Association. 
Some  of  the  prize  winners  were:  J.  Friesen,  Rueckenau,  large  gold  medal  for  an  assortment 
of  commercial  fruit;  K.  Enns,  Altonau,  small  gold  medal  for  his  tree  nursery  and  a 
collection  of  fruit;  A.  Lissner,  Ackerman,  small  gold  medal  for  an  assortment  of 
commercial  fruit.  Large  and  small  silver  medals  were  handed  out  in  various  categories  as 
well  as  bronze  medals. 

The  organization  itself  had  prepared  displays  demonstrating  the  development  of 
insects  detrimental  to  fruit,  showing  the  stages  from  pupa  to  butterfly.  It  was  felt  that  it 
would  be  easier  to  defeat  the  enemy  if  you  could  recognize  him,  no  matter  what  the  phase. 

The  reporter  then  wandered  through  the  various  displays,  mentioning,  however,  that 
he  would  emphasize  only  the  new  and  innovative.  He  further  added  that  he  would 
overcome  his  usual  shyness,  and  boldly  ask  the  exhibitors  many  questions  about  their 
products.  The  subsequent  comments  are  an  interesting  barometer  of  life  in  the  Mennonite 
colonies  at  that  time. 

H.  Ediger,  of  Kurman,  Crimea,  showed  a  system  of  canning,  whereby  fruit  was  said 
to  retain  its  taste,  smell  and  appearance.  The  total  apparatus,  together  with  enough  jars  to 
do  for  a  typical  farm  establishment,  would  cost  between  50  and  100  rubles.  It  came  with 
a  printed  set  of  instructions. 


Ill 


The  publishing  house,  Raduga,  had  a  display  of  books  dealing  with  cooking, 
canning  and  preserving  of  fruit,  as  well  with  fruit,  grape  and  garden  growing.  There  were 
also  books  about  various  related  topics  discussing  the  household  and  the  farm.  With  such 
a  wide  variety,  there  was  something  for  almost  any  interest. 

The  factory  Franz  &  Schroeder  of  Halbstadt  displayed  a  new  grain  cutting  machine 
[Getreidemaehmachine]  with  a  recently  invented  self-binding  Schellenberg  attachment 
[patent  pending].  This  machine  had  actually  undergone  field  trials  in  the  last  three  crop 
years.  Heinrich  Schroeder,  also  of  Halbstadt,  showed  a  locally  manufactured  eight  horse¬ 
power  stationary  naphtha  motor  called  Advance.  It  appeared  to  run  very  smoothly.  Its 
principal  advantage  over  foreign  motors  was  the  price,  perhaps  one  third  less.  Because  it 
was  made  locally  there  was  less  transportation  cost,  and  it  was  not  subject  to  import  duties. 

There  was  considerable  interest  in  the  multibladed  plows  [called  bugger],  produced 
by  the  factories  Fuchs  of  Tokmak,  and  J.  J.  Neufeld  &  Ko.  of  Waldheim.  It  had  hand 
levers  at  the  front  end  of  the  machine  to  raise  or  lower  the  plow  blades. 

Gaede  of  Lichtfelde  had  produced  and  run  trials  on  an  incubator  for  chickens.  Even 
though  it  was  in  common  use  in  foreign  countries,  Mennonite  farmers  had  tended  to  resist 
this  innovation.  The  reporter  felt  that  the  people  who  persisted  in  the  “sitting  behind  the 
stove”  technique  of  raising  chickens  would  certainly  not  take  the  world  by  storm! 

Fr.  Heine  of  Prischib  displayed  a  new  type  of  paint,  Ripolin,  which  had  considerable 
advantage  over  the  well  known  oil-based  paints.  It  was  particularly  useful  for  painting  roof 
tiles,  but  also  very  good  for  covering  wood,  iron  and  stucco.  H.  Janz  of  Alexandrovsk 
offered  a  practical,  well  designed  iron  cook,  fry  and  bake  stove,  while  Friesen  and  Dueck 
of  Halbstadt  showed  a  large  collection  of  American  Keystone-Elgin  clocks  and  watches. 

The  arts  were  not  entirely  neglected  in  this  exposition,  being  represented  mainly  by 
the  paintings  of  Johann  H.  Janzen  of  Ohrloff.  Having  felt  uncomfortable  in  judging  fruit 
growing,  the  writer  of  the  report  was  even  less  confident  of  being  an  art  critic.  But  then,  he 
mused,  every  bird  has  the  right  to  sing  regardless  of  the  shape  of  its  beak!  Who  was  he  to 
judge  whether  in  Janzen’s  painting  the  water  really  splashed  over  the  rocks,  or  if  there  was 
real  foam,  or  was  it  just  an  illusion?  Was  the  sunshine  in  his  landscapes  really  warm,  was 
the  water  clear,  and  was  it  perchance  actually  wet?  The  writer  philosophized  that  if  life 
consisted  only  of  factories,  mills,  places  of  business  and  grain  bins,  with  no  aesthetic 
values  produced  by  homes,  churches  and  the  arts,  we  would  all  simply  be  animals,  homo 
sapiens.  One  painting  by  a  Miss  M.  Schroeder  of  Berdyansk  actually  sold  for  60  rubles;  it 
depicted  a  very  realistic  looking  pair  of  oxen. 

The  exposition  appeared  to  be  a  financial  success;  more  than  four  and  a  half 
thousand  entrance  tickets  were  sold.  Together  with  other  sources  of  income  the  Association 
likely  netted  more  than  1 ,000  rubles.  Considering  the  overall  benefits  of  such  an  exposition 
to  the  public,  the  reporter  felt  that  the  Association  well  deserved  this  profit. 

There  was  one  little  complaint.  Should  there  be  another  event  of  this  nature,  then 
the  specific  age  for  children’s  tickets  should  be  defined.  This  would  settle  some  of  the 
disputes  which  erupted  between  ticket  vendors  and  visitors,  where  the  definition  of  a  child 
varied  all  the  way  from  seven  to  fifteen  years.  But,  the  reporter  adds,  this  small  criticism 
should  not  sour  the  overall  impression  of  this  event. 


112 


Sources: 

Announcement,  Obstbauaustellung,  Friedensstimme,  25  July  1909,  p  13,  and  1  August  1909, 
P  13 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  22  August  1909,  pp  8,  9 

News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  29  September  1909,  pp  12,  13 

Background  Information: 

Advertizing  in  Friedensstimme 
Johann  Heinrich  Janzen,  Artist 


ADVERTISING  IN  FRIEDENSSTIMME 


While  most  Mennonites  were 
basically  deeply  religious  people, 
cultivation  of  the  land  and  other 
related  activities  have  also  been  close 
to  their  hearts.  God’s  blessings  have 
often  been  associated  with  bountiful 
harvest  and  thriving  agricultural 
business.  It  should  therefore  not 
come  as  a  surprise  that  Mennonites 
would  promote  expositions, 
particularly  if  they  were  related  to 
agriculture.  This  philosophy  would 
easily  be  reflected  in  Mennonite 
publications.  Friedensstimme,  a 
privately  published  newspaper,  was  to 
a  large  extent  owned  and  operated  by 
church  people.  While  the  principal 
owners  and  editors  were  businessmen 
and  also  writers,  they  were  ministers 
as  well.  The  contents  of  the  paper 
may  therefore  be  taken  as  an 


indication  of  what  some  of  the 
church  hierarchy  thought. 

In  the  first  half  of  1909 
Friedensstimme  published  a  16  page 
paper,  of  which  on  the  average 
eleven  pages  were  text,  five  pages 
advertising.  Some  of  the  companies 
which  are  recorded  as  having 
displays  at  the  exposition  also  ran 
fairly  regular  advertisements  in  the 
paper.  Examples  are  those  of  Franz 
&  Schroeder  of  Neu-Halbstadt,  and 
Friesen  and  Dueck  of  Halbstadt. 


3)1  it  Qkpftnodriiflciii  btcljrrn  ti*ir  uitti  t>cin  gvrltrtcti  T'uMihnu  jpir 
ttctiiilnitf  jit  brinjicn.  baft  u'ir  in  mtfmn 


II  I)  r  <  n  *  'J.'i  a  n  n  \  i  h 


ictit  cine  iHofir  flueuoM  trr  mdibmibmicn  anifrtltinijrtirn  lafdjrnubrrii 

KEYSTON  E-ELGIN 

m  man  it*  jjell'plultnl  «»•  t«voK,  Bh’lb  rouble,  iilbft,  -Jlicffl  apalrtn 

I'flbm.  Xieir  flcljfiuiic  lltjmi  uiit  «ri)\ai»b  Wcljaufcn.  tic  in 

.tiumM.  fliritu,  iftiubtu.u'if ii.  retitid'lunb  unt>  itiibtri:  fi*  bilirlt 

.Uii'orKuen.  rein  imp  bin  ten  .tvi«li.iiiblcu  nnimtaitmftrit  Weluiufr  I'inren 
.tiirii  in  •Hindniib  (ihcii  jtcie  ^iiichiiKiibrii  Otbj.ib,  tine  nidi!  ohm*  tflfiii  : 

(#  I’onbi’H  *iil»  l-uM  urn  fin  Hdunijf,  it'clihe*  No  itfrrf  bor  Pan  Or; 
Minmii  2t.nl *e*  idupt;  l claim  lint  imp  (Watrtii.  h«p  'Witt. 

:mt  fun*  «'*el-a»ife*3  mil  WciiMiiPrn  orrfrbrM.  u»*hbe  hide  hnri  Icile  »f‘i  ir  * 
?i»M  .uifamnuiiKilton. 

IV  tfoffcn  Hie  firfi  nirlit  tniifdtnt !!  ourdi  mmmuuititfe  Jim: 

nluimiiiKft  bn  fd'teM,  m  irPer  ^r.iulniiM  le um bueii 
auurifnitifrtiru  fti  t)  flour  (< lf\t«i  >  11  t>rr  n 
Aviut  t^i n Ian »  itd'U  man  nin  nv  r.f!  fiiinbrrbr  'JJi'i.rfr,  melrtn-  man  , 

mi  l-inie m  I\dil  icPcr  U(>r  finbct.  jlfil 

tMiibivniifNi lurriluf.iaitP  Jvrirjnui  X iitf, ■Ontbftobi,  launni. 


NT 


Mi$ii(ni$  |$frait£  &' 

Jobril  Innbiotrtfdjaftlldicr  iDlafrijiitrn  nnb  Wtrdtc 
— ■ 9i  c  u  b  a  I  b  ft  a  b  t. 

llfnhritl  ''m'  vxrrtt  0.  Sdulltnbcrn  crfii iibnic  WctrcibeBidlimufrfiiHc 
mit  iclbftnblcflcr  ('Jlalrm  iiui\rmrlbct,  £rfHi(i$cm  Hr.  JH7B3 
■mb  Hr.  SSlnfl)  ivrrim.y  in  firfi  ullr  'Ilonii.y  <iucr  i'arluiilbm.iiilum  unb 

finer  JttrfiilfJiiiil)Difli(l)inc. 

Son  bcji  Sfrmi  itatifenurtoi,  Nc  mu  Pen  iirrlKinnfdpneu  tm  mTiiatwioncn 
$n('rc  acVbcitct  Imbeii,  He  13c it  ttncrfomiiii.ldtfercijhni  ber,  Pie  allc  Sor$fu\c 
biefer  3Kafd)iiifn  bm*ort»c&fu.  Tic  ^Tol'cmrti.inucii  babeii  in  biddcni  unb 
toHtMuftiicm,  in  febr  unb  iv'.u;  wtfbcifm,  m  miicnt  unb  mil  bullion 

bobot  Un front  iu*rii»odii«i«i  ttMrdbc  iVMibciici ,  nub  iilwniU  bai  nrti  ber 
2c Ibftoi'Vunot  *3111  bctBtfor!. 

n>ir  iiir  bir  luldifie  Soiioii  mir  tint  *y\u\  Anf rc  bieier 

'Duiittuicit  anfcrtigcti  fbiuun,  jo  ill  c*>  laiMtji,  ftUUeUun^i’u  ant  bide  'IKa 
ftlMiioi  balbuiP^liftn't  liiiHiioiboi. 

^0  iiiri)l  iUU’bvrBOVfdiiftT  in  ba  h«  tib:*  mon  u*t»  biv»fi  on  iuw 

nub  in  triitrr  prompun  *iWMviutn»\  ivr»td»o t. 

’V  uft  a  hr  cur  : 
ra/ibtiiiJTaATTj.  Tasp. 
ry<5. .  ToprosoM^  AOMy 
Opamo.  m  LLlpeAept. 

Jclcflrnimnnhrcfir : 
ro^bfiuiTaA'ni. 

OpaHuy. 


Wclbcitf  11  ft lOern c  IRt- 
b.iiUrn.  'Jt'ifle  •.Hiuif-ii 
11  '.mq^Sdyrc  itoi . 


fluijt-TPfm  c:ii oil  M* n  iru 
tmierr  moblrvliimtu*!* 

niclrnbcnioliniflliltiiitii 
rrtirtjiuQldntfii,  ‘^rtiu 
iiitinoldjtHCH.  tin  uud 
iiiftiridjnr  t'ftuqc.  i  till* 
p limit,  Itillni  in.uiiifrtr 
11  cut  11  Htitliofr, 
frfiup  ’.‘fr.  ■•iO-'H  jpiirffd. 
nmfdiinni  Wnriciiyfliirir. 

jl'Climloruriiliur. 
Imbtfliiliidjc  Cflptcntn, 
Ifldlpfaiiiiriiurtiini  ufw. 


113 


JOHANN  HEINRICH  JANZEN 
[1868-1917] 


Artist  who  displayed  paintings  at  the 
1 909  Halbstadt  Exposition 

Johann  Heinrich  Janzen  was  bom  in  Waldheim,  Molotschna  Colony,  on  January  6, 1868. 
He  was  the  eldest  son  of  Heinrich  Johann  Janzen,  who  was  an  artist,  a  teacher,  preacher  as  well  as 
a  surveyor.  Johann  completed  the  Gnadenfeld  Zentralschule,  then  took  teacher  training  in 
Halbstadt.  After  that  he  attended  the  teachers’  college  in  Feodosiya  in  the  Crimea  for  three  years. 
While  in  the  Crimea  he  became  acquainted  with,  and  was  tutored  by  the  marine  artist,  Aiwasowsky . 
It  is  probably  this  influence  which  inspired  Johann’s  early  paintings  of  seascapes. 

In  1889  Johann  was  appointed  as  teacher  at  the 
Ohrloff  Zentralschule,  in  mathematics.  He  held  this 
position  for  28  years,  until  his  death  in  1917.  He  used 
imagination  and  innovation  to  liven  up  dry  and  boring 
teaching  methods.  For  a  number  of  years,  including  1910, 
he  was  chairman  of  the  Molotschna  Teachers’  Society. 

Johann  had  originally  been  racked  by  doubts  and 
was  searching  in  his  spiritual  life.  In  1906  he  had  a 
conversion  experience,  and  accepted  a  more  pietistic 
philosophy  of  life.  He  became  active  in  the  church,  and  was 
ordained  as  a  minister  of  the  Gnadenfeld  Mennonite  Church 
in  1909. 

Living  on  the  steppes  in  the  Molotschna 
increasingly  inspired  Johann  to  use  his  surroundings  as 
subject  for  his  painting.  His  younger  brother  Jakob  H. 

Janzen  put  it  this  way:  “But  then  he  lived  and  worked  as  a 
teacher  on  the  steppes,  among  the  people  of  the  steppes,  and 

in  the  dust  of  the  steppes  - 
and  it  became  clear  to  him 
that  in  the  ordinary 
monotony  there  was  an 
unexpected  beauty.” 
Johann  painted  in  oils,  did 
pencil  sketches  and  used 
water  colours.  He  tended 
to  favour  Molotschna 
landscapes,  but  also 
painted  on  commission,  at 
which  time  his  subjects 
might  vary.  He  did  little  in 
the  way  of  promoting  his 
art,  displaying  only  at 
modest  exhibitions  in  Ohrloff  and  Halbstadt.  Johann  illustrated  a  book  written  by  his  brother 
Jakob,  Denn  meine  Augen  haben  deinen  Heiland gesehen,  which  was  published  in  1910.  He  also 
illustrated  the  months  in  Abraham  Kroeker’s  Christlicher  Familienkalendar.  It  is  likely  that  in 


t 


Typical  Mennonite  village  in  South  Russia  -  picture  drawn  by 
Johann  Janzen 


114 


the  Halbstadt  Exposition  of  1909  he 
displayed  various  landscapes,  but  from  the 
description  of  water  so  dramatically 
presented  by  the  Friedensstimme  reporter,  he 
must  have  shown  some  seascapes  as  well. 

Johann  did  not  restrict  his 
endeavours  to  teaching  and  art,  he  also  wrote. 
He  wrote  and  illustrated  children’s  books 
such  as  Das  Maer chert  vom  Weihnachtsmann 
[A  Fairytale  about  Santa  Claus]  and  Die 
Geschichte  von  Miez,  Mauz,  Murr  und  Hinz 
[The  Story  of  Miez,  Mauz,  Murr  and  Hinz]. 
He  wrote  lyrical  poetry  and  prose.  The  prose 
included  writings  about  pedagogy, 
philosophy  as  well  as  fiction.  In  1907  he 
came  out  with  Das  goldene  Zeitalter  der 
Zukunft  [The  Golden  Age  of  the  Future],  a 
book  of  imaginative  fiction.  Most  of  his 
literary  output  was  not  published,  although 
short  stories  such  as  Der  David  and  Das 
Falkennest  appeared  in  periodicals. 


September 


Pictures  illustrating  the  months  drawn  by 
Johann  Janzen  for  Christlicher  Familien- 
Kalendar 


Johann  was  married  to  Lene 
[Goerz],  and  the  couple  had  six  children. 
They  were  Maria,  Hans,  Helene,  Nikolai, 
Elisabeth  and  Greta.  Three  of  them  were 
actually  used  to  some  extent  as  models  for 
the  children  in  Das  Maerchen  vom 
Weihnachtsmann.  Son  Hans  was  also  an 
artist  and  in  later  years  provided  new 
illustrations  for  the  book. 

Illustration  from  Jakob  Janzen’ s  book  drawn  by  Johann  Heinrich  Janzen  was  still  at 

Johann  Janzen  the  height  of  his  career  when  he  became  ill. 

Towards  autumn  of  1917,  when  he  was 
already  so  weak  that  he  could  not  walk,  his  brother  Jakob  took  him  for  a  ride  across  his  beloved 
steppes.  He  once  again  appreciated  the  grass  in  the  meadows  turning  golden,  the  dry  leaves  rustling 
as  they  fell  from  the  trees,  the  last  fruits  of  the  land  being  harvested.  Johann  died  soon  after,  of 
leukemia,  in  September  of  1917,  at  the  age  of  forty  nine. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M,,  pp  xv,  xvi,  595,  636,  688,  708, 776 

Goerz,  H.,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950\1951, 
pp  169-170;  English  translation,  1993,  p  204 
Janzen,  Jakob,  Etwas  Rezension,  Der  Bote,  29  August  1931,  p  1 

Janzen,  Johann,  Illustrations  in  Denn  meine  Augen  haben  Deinen  Heiland  Gesehen  written  by 
Jakob  Janzen,  originally  published  in  1910,  then  again  in  1925  and  1927 
Janzen,  Johann,  Feature  Illustrations,  The  Months  of  the  Year,  Mennonite  Life,  October  1951,  p  13 


115 


Janzen,  Johann,  Feature  Illustration,  Peace  on  the  Molotschna,  Mennonite  Life,  1  January  1956 
P  6 

Janzen,  Johann,  Das  Maerchen  vom  Weihnachtsmann,  edited  by  Waldemar  Janzen,  post  script 
written  by  Waldemar  Janzen,  CMBC  Publications,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1975 
Janzen,  Waldemar,  personal  communications 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonitisches  Lexikon 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  22  August  1909,  p  9 


116 


19.  BIBLE  CONFERENCE  IN  HALBSTADT 
AUGUST  20-23, 1909 


Mennonites  have  traditionally  been  people  of  the  Word.  It  is  therefore  not 
surprising  that  periodically  there  were  Bible  conferences  in  the  Mennonite  colonies  of  South 
Russia.  One  such  conference  was  held  in  Halbstadt,  Molotschna  June  15-22,  1908, 
featuring  Mennonite  missionaries  as  speakers.  Participants  arrived  from  as  far  away  as  the 
Crimea  and  Sagradovka.  A  bigger  and  presumably  better  conference  was  then  arranged  for 
the  following  year,  to  be  held  on  August  20-23,  1909.  Organizers  were  listed  as  H. 
Braun,  H.  Unruh,  and  J.  Kroeker  of  Halbstadt.  No  announcements  or  reports  mention  a 
specific  denomination,  so  one  might  assume  that  it  was  meant  to  include  all  Mennonites. 
Heinrch  Braun  and  Jakob  Kroeker  were  Mennonite  Brethren,  and  much  of  the  subject 
matter  had  heavy  Mennonite  Brethren  overtones;  the  other  organizer  was  likely  Heinrich 
Unruh,  returned  missionary  from  India,  also  Mennonite  Brethren. 

The  conference  was  well  advertized  in  the  Mennonite  newspaper  Friedensstimme , 
not  surprising  since  Jakob  Kroeker  was  one  of  its  editors  and  Heinrich  Braun  part  owner 
and  managing  director  of  the  publishing  house  that  printed  it.  Part  of  the  rationale  for 
hosting  the  conference  was  included  in  the  invitation,  first  published  on  July  18,1 909,  “We 
are  aware  that  at  times  when  we  withdraw  and  quietly  contemplate  scripture,  the  Lord 
allows  us  to  better  understand  his  Word,  to  have  wonderful  blessings,  and  to  be 
strengthened...” 

The  organizers  expanded  the  scope  of  the  invitation,  which  the  previous  year  had 
been  only  for  teachers  and  ministers  and  their  wives.  In  1909  it  included  “...all  children  of 
God  and  lovers  of  truth.”  They  asked  all  those  planning  to  attend  to  register  with  J.  Kroeker 
as  soon  as  possible,  so  that  accommodations  could  be  arranged.  Teachers  and  ministers 
would  receive  free  accommodations  [presumably  others,  if  they  did  not  find  relatives  to  stay 
with,  would  pay] ;  all  participants  were  asked  to  bring  along  their  own  pillows  and  blankets. 
The  organizers  announced  some  of  the  speakers  and  published  a  proposed  program.  As  the 
conference  approached  there  were  repeated  reminders  in  Friedensstimme. 

The  conference  began  on  August  20  with  a  large  number  of  guests  from  far  and  wide 
[...eine  Menge  Gaeste  von  Nah  und  Vern  erschienen...].  The  sessions  were  held  at  the 
Vereinshaus  [presumably  a  fairly  large  auditorium,  definitely  not  a  church]  in  Neu- 
Halbstadt.  Speakers  invited  from  abroad  were  P.  Grubb  from  London,  England,  who 
brought  his  wife,  Evangelist  Widmer  from  Switzerland,  and  Adam  Podin  of  Latvia,  who 
brought  his  wife  as  well.  Additional  participants  were  Preacher  Regentrop  from 
St.  Petersburg,  Missionary  J.  Huebert  and  others. 

The  schedule  was  similar  to  that  of  previous  conferences.  Mornings  began  with  a 
prayer  meeting,  followed  by  Bible  exposition  by  the  guest  speakers.  The  area  of  study  for 
this  conference  was  the  book  of  Hebrews,  chapters  5  and  6.  In  the  afternoon  there  were 
talks  on  faith,  holiness  and  fellowship.  Evenings  were  either  lectures  on  various  practical 
subjects  or  evangelistic  sermons. 

Sunday  morning  two  of  the  foreign  speakers  preached  in  Halbstadt,  the  rest  served 
in  other  churches  in  the  region.  Following  a  late  afternoon  snack  [Vesper],  the  Bible 


117 


exposition  continued  at  the  church,  with  an  evening  worship  service  after  that. 

A  participant,  Jakob  Enns  of  Tiegenhof,  commented  “The  Lord  blessed  his  Word 
through  whomever  it  was  proclaimed,  it  was  a  rich  blessing  for  us  poor  simiers,  to  the  praise 
of  His  holy  name.”  He  was  also  sure  that  the  Lord  would  bless  all  those  who  had  helped 
organize  this  wonderful  event. 

It  is  remarkable  that  an  event  which  had  so  much  advance  publicity,  and  was 
planned  by  editors  and  publishers,  would  have  had  no  official  report  in  the  Mennonite 
periodicals.  The  pages  of  Friedensstimme  give  no  evidence  of  a  similar  conference  being 
held  the  following  year. 


Sources: 

Braun,  H„  Announcement,  Friedensstimme,  18  July  1909,  p  3;  25  July  1909  pp  3,  4; 

8  August  1909,  p  10;  15  August  1909,  p  8 
Enns,  Jakob,  Letter,  Friedensstimme.  12  September  1909,  p  7 
Enns,  Jakob,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  13  October  1909,  pp  14,  15 
News  Item,  Friedensstimme,  28  June  1908,  p  409 
News  Item,  Friedensstimme,  22  August  1909,  p  9 

Reimer,  Jakob,  Announcement,  Friedensstimme,  17  May  1908,  p  312;  7  June  1908,  p  357 


Background  Information: 

Heinrich  Jakob  Braun 

Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh,  Missionary 

Jakob  Johann  Kroeker 

Harry  Percy  Grubb 

Adam  K.  Podin 

Johann  Huebert,  Missionary 


118 


HEINRICH  JAKOB  BRAUN 

[1873-1946] 

One  of  the  Organizers  of  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Heinrich  Jakob  Braun  was  bom  on  April  30, 1 873  in  Alexanderwohl,  Molotschna  Colony. 
His  parents  were  Jakob  and  Helena  [Baergen]  Braun.  He  was  the  seventh  of  ten  children,  having 
five  brothers  and  four  sisters.  Heinrich  attended  the  Dorfschule  in  Alexanderwohl  from  1879  to 
1887.  He  did  not  attend  Zentralschule ,  but  had  private  instruction  in  various  subjects  such  as 
Russian  and  English.  He  began  the  position  of  “£7nteWe/wer”[apprentice  teacher]  in  Kleefeld  in 
1887,  then  helped  at  home  on  the  farm  from  1888-1889. 

Heinrich  then  began  a  series  of  teaching  assignments  as  tutor  on  various  chutors  from  1889 
to  1 994.  In  1 894,  at  the  annual  convention  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  held  in  Friedensfeld, 
he  was  selected  to  be  sent  to  the  Hamburg  Baptist  Theological  Seminary  to  be  trained  as  a  minister. 
He  was  in  Hamburg  from  1895  to  1899,  his  room  mate  being  Heinrich  Unruh,  later  missionary  to 
India.  He  graduated  in  1899  and  returned  to  South  Russia. 

Once  back  in  the  Molotschna,  Heinrich  must  have  been  active  in  the  church  quite  quickly, 
since  in  1900  he  was  involved  in  the  formulation  of  a  confession  of  faith  of  the  Mennonite 
Brethren,  and  was  listed  as  approving  the  document.  At  the  time  he  was  recorded  as  a  ministerial 
candidate.  He  was  ordained  as  a  minister  by  the  Rueckenau  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  on 
September  2,  1901. 

Braun  married  Maria  Peters,  eldest  daughter  of  Isaak  Peters  of  Nikolaipol,  on  October  7, 
1899.  Unfortunately  she  died  during  childbirth  in  early  1902.  The  child,  a  boy,  died  in  early 
infancy.  Heinrich  then  married  his  wife’s  younger  sister,  Helena,  on  February  27,  1903.  There 

were  no  children  from  this  second  marriage,  but  the  Brauns 
seem  to  have  been  hospitable  with  regard  to  youngsters,  since 
a  number  of  missionaries  left  their  children  with  them  while 
they  went  to  the  mission  field. 

Possibly  using  his  wife’s  money,  Heinrich  purchased 
a  chutor  near  Nikolaipol  on  February  6,  1901.  He  seems  to 
have  been  an  astute  businessman,  and  soon  purchased  a  second 
chutor.  In  1903  he  was  one  of  the  leading  partners  who 
purchased  a  Halbstadt  printing  establishment  from  Peter 
Neufeld.  This  company  was  reorganized  in  1908  to  form 
Raduga,  which  printed,  published  and  distributed  a  wide  variety 
of  printed  material.  It  published,  for  example,  the  newspaper 
Friedensstimme,  the  massive  historical  tome  by  P.  M.  Friesen, 
a  devotional  family  almanac,  as  well  as  many  other  books. 
Heinrich  was  the  major  shareholder  in  this  enterprise  as  well  as 
the  managing  director. 

Heinrich  participated  actively  in  many  aspects  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  for  a  time  being  the  secretary- 
treasurer  of  the  conference.  In  this  capacity  he  published  detailed  statistics  relating  to  church 
membership  and  activities,  Bundes-Statistik,  certainly  for  1 905  and  1 906.  In  1 9 1 0,  at  the  convention 
held  in  Tiege,  Sagradovka,  Heinrich  was  unanimously  acclaimed  as  treasurer  of  the  Foreign 
Mission  Account  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Conference,  with  Abraham  Friesen  the  intermediary 


Heinrich  Braun  [1873-1946] 


119 


between  the  conference  and  the  field  workers.  In  September  of  1914  Heinrich  reported  some 
difficulties,  the  bank  drafts  he  had  sent  to  India  had  not  been  cashed.  Heinrich  continued  to  play 
a  leading  role  in  the  Conference  and  its  affairs,  being  vice-chairman  of  the  sessions  in  1918.  He 
sometimes  represented  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  in  negotiations  with  government,  for 
example  dealing  with  the  permission  to  continue  open  air  baptismal  services. 

Planning  for  the  1 908  Bible  Conference  in  Halbstadt  involved  mostly  Mennonite  Brethren. 
While  the  principal  organizers  for  the  1909  conference,  again  including  Heinrich,  were  also 
Mennonite  Brethren,  the  wide  variety  of  speakers  seems  to  indicate  that  the  scope  was  likely  meant 
to  serve  a  much  wider  sphere. 

But  Heinrich  also  played  a  prominent  role  in  inter-Mennonite  affairs.  Raduga,  the  printing 
and  publishing  firm  certainly  functioned  to  help  developments  in  the  broad  stream  of  Mennonite 
life.  He  was  on  the  board  of  the  Nerven-heilanstalt  Bethania ,  of  Kronsweide,  as  well  as  on  the 
board  of  the  Diakonissenheim  Morija  of  Neu-Halbstadt.  He  was  a  participant  in  the  first  official 
All-Mennonite  Conference  of  October,  1910,  and  was  elected  to  be  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
representative  on  the  three  member  Glaubenskommission  [Faith  Commission],  In  two  years  this 
was  renamed  Kommission  fuer  Kirchenangelegenheiten  [KfK] [Committee  for  Church  Affairs], 
Possibly  also  at  that  time  Wilhelm  Dyck  took  the  place  of  Heinrich  on  the  Committee.  Heinrich, 
together  with  Elder  Heinrich  Unruh  of  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church,  conducted  an  open  air 
service  for  departing  reservists  on  September  1,  1914.  Braun  preached  on  Acts  20:32  “Now  I 
commit  you  to  God  and  to  the  word  of  His  grace,”  while  Elder  Unruh  used  Romans  12: 12  as  text. 
Upon  conclusion  of  the  service  the  reservists  boarded  trains  bound  for  Ekaterinoslav. 

During  this  time  Heinrich  also  wrote,  having  the  particular  interest  of  including  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  within  the  sphere  of  the  greater  Mennonite  community.  Articles  such  as 
“Mennonites  or  Baptists,”  published  in  Friedenstimme  and  Botschafter  in  1 9 1 0  would  relate  to  this 
subject. 

In  1 9 1 8  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Conference  appointed  Heinrich  as  the  second  teacher  of 
the  newly  established  Bible  school  at  Tchongrav,  in  the  Crimea.  He  probably  continued  to  live  in 
Neu-Halbstadt  and  commuted  to  the  Crimea.  On  at  least  two  occasions  he  had  some  difficulty 
reaching  the  school  because  he  was  caught  in  the  revolutionary  front;  other  teachers  then  had  to 
temporarily  replace  him.  Because  the  school  and  students  had  great  difficulty  getting  teaching 
materials,  Heinrich  donated  books  to  the  school  from  his  own  personal  library. 

In  the  autumn  of  1921  Teacher  Braun  “...addressed  the  school  and  took  his  leave...,”  soon 
after  fleeing  from  Russia.  Heinrich  must  have  felt  that  he  was  in  considerable  immediate  danger 
to  leave  so  abruptly.  He  travelled  to  Batum,  spent  some  time  in  Constantinople,  then  went  to 
Germany,  staying  at  Oberursel,  Taunus,  where  his  younger  brother  Abraham  lived.  His  wife  left 
Halbstadt  in  the  summer  of  1923  for  Canada,  and  a  short  time  later  joined  Heinrich  in  Germany. 

In  1924  Heinrich  travelled  to  South  America  at  his  own  expense  to  investigate  the 
possibility  of  Mennonite  settlement  in  Paraguay.  He  sent  a  comprehensive  report  of  his  findings 
to  the  Mennonitisches  Studienkommision.  Upon  his  return  to  Germany  he  settled  in  Bochum, 
occupying  himself  with  a  herbal  and  “natural”  medical  healing  practice.  He  had  actually  begun 
studying  this  subject  in  Odessa  after  he  graduated  from  seminary.  He  later  moved  to  a  village  near 
Ibersheim,  where  his  brother  Abraham  had  become  a  pastor,  then  finally  settled  in  NiersteinVRhein. 
Heinrich  also  gave  lectures  on  Christian  Education  for  the  Evangelische  Schulgemeinschaft 
[Evangelical  School  Society],  and  for  many  years  was  actively  involved  in  sending  relief  packages 
to  Mennonites  in  the  Soviet  Union. 

Heinrich’s  second  wife,  Helena,  died  in  Germany  in  1941,  after  which  he  married  Martha 
Siever,  daughter  of  a  German  Baptist  family.  He  survived  World  War  II  in  Germany,  and  died  June 
24,  1946,  at  the  age  of  73  years. 


120 


Sources: 

Braun,  Heinrich  J.,  Bundes-Statistik  der  Vereinigten,  Taufgesinnten,  Mennonitischen  Brueder- 
Gemeinde  in  Russland,  Nikolaipol,  1905,  1906 
Braun,  Heinrich  J.,  Mennonites  or  Baptists ,  originally  in  Friedensstimme,  5  May  1910,  pp3-5, 
also  in  Botschafter,  25  May  1910,  p  4,  and  28  May  1910,  p  3;  translated  into  English 
by  Abe  J.  Dueck,  in  Moving  Beyond  Secession  pp  177-122 
Dueck,  Abe  J.,  Moving  Beyond  Secession,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and 

Hillsboro,  USA,  1998,  pp  7,  12,  14,  16,  57-59,  64,  67,  68,  70,  72-75,  78,  81,  83,  84,  86, 
87,  92-96,  100,  101,  111,  117-122,  132,  137,  141,  143,  145, 146,  148-150,  152, 158, 
166 

Friesen,  Abraham,  Santa  Barbara,  USA,  personal  family  history 

Friesen,  P.  M„  pp  450,  530,  534,  536,  542-545,  568,  598,  659,  661,  670,  672,  673,  722 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  p  122 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  3  September  1914,  p  5 

Peters,  G.  W.,  Foundations  of  Mennonite  Brethren  Missions,  Kindred  Press,  Hillsboro,  USA, 
and  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1984,  p  39 

Reimer,  Margaret,  The  Story  of  the  Crimea  Bible  School,  Translated  by  Edwin  Reimer,  1974[?], 
PP  6,11,21 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  103,  113,  381 


121 


HEINRICH  HEINRICH  UNRUH 

[1868-1912] 


One  of  the  Organizers  of  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh  was  bom  October  4,  1868  in  Temir-Bulat  [Philippstal], Crimea. 
He  was  the  eldest  of  the  ten  children  of  Heinrich  B.  and  Elisabeth  [Wall]  Unruh.  Three  younger 
brothers  were  Komelius  [missionary  to  India],  Abraham  [Bible  teacher  and  minister]  and  Benjamin 
[teacher  and  writer]. 

Heinrich  attended  the  Hamburg  Baptist  Theological  Seminary,  likely  beginning  in  1895, 
graduating  in  1 899.  During  this  time  his  room  mate  was  Heinrich  Braun  of  Alexanderwohl.  Soon 
after  graduation  he  married  Anna  Peters,  daughter  of  Franz  Peters  of  Friedensfeld.  Anna  Peters  is 
also  listed  as  a  student  at  the  seminary,  so  it  is  quite  likely  that  they  became  acquainted  during  the 
time  they  spent  in  Hamburg. 

On  August  27,  1899,  Heinrich  and  Anna  were  ordained  as  missionaries  by  the  Spat 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  They  were  accepted  by  both  Mennonite  Brethren  of  Russia,  and  the 

American  Baptist  Missionary  Union  to  be  missionaries  in  the 
Nalgonda  district,  north-east  of  Hyderabad,  India.  Heinrich’s 
principal  work  was  to  establish  a  station  at  Jangaon,  which 
was  on  a  railway  line.  Permission  for  building  any  structure 
was  hard  to  obtain,  and  the  surrounding  people  were  not 
particularly  receptive,  nonetheless  Heinrich  persisted.  A 
mission  station  was  built  at  Jangaon,  and  in  time  there  was  a 
church  of  200  members,  with  8-10  affiliate  stations. 

In  1909  the  Unruhs  returned  to  South  Russia  for  a 
rest  [zur  Erhohlung\.  But  Heinrich  did  not  spend  much  time 
resting.  He  was  one  of  the  three  planners  of  the  Bible 
conference  held  in  Halbstadt  in  August  of  1 909.  He  was  listed 
as  attending  the  annual  convention  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church,  held  in  Tiege,  Sagradovka,  in  May  of  1 9 1 0.  Heinrich 
read  a  letter  to  the  delegates  from  the  missionaries  in  India, 
who  wished  the  conference  God  ’  s  richest  blessings.  The  letter 
described  the  work  and  struggles  of  the  past  year,  also  the 
results  of  the  Gospel  being  spread  to  all  areas.  After  a  hymn 
was  sung  he  closed  the  session  with  prayer. 

Heinrich  did  not  restrict  his  missionary  fervour  to 
India.  He  visited  many  of  the  churches  of  South  Russia,  many  a  person  accepting  salvation  through 
his  ministry.  A  great  revival  swept  through  a  forestry  camp  where  he  had  preached.  Together  with 
G.  P.  Froese,  Heinrich  was  invited  to  speak  at  a  large  Russian  Baptist  convention  which  was  held 
in  Rostov,  in  the  Don  region.  During  the  day  they  had  business  sessions,  but  evenings  there  were 
evangelistic  services  where  Heinrich  preached  in  German,  while  P.  M.  Friesen  translated  his  words 
into  Russian. 

Heinrich  and  Anna  had  a  total  of  seven  children.  Heinrich  [1900],  Maria  [1901],  Martha 
[1903],  Arthur  [1905],  and  Cornelius  [1909]  were  bom  in  India.  During  the  time  in  Russia,  while 
they  were  planning  to  return  to  their  beloved  mission  work  in  India,  it  was  of  considerable  concern 
to  find  a  place  for  the  four  oldest  children  to  stay.  The  Unruhs  did  find  homes  for  them, 


■s 


Heinrich  and  Anna  Unruh 
likely  in  1900 


122 


at  least  one  daughter  staying  for  a  time  with  the  Heinrich  Brauns.  Heinrich  and  Anna  departed  for 
India  in  19 1 1.  In  April  of  19 12  Heinrich  sent  a  report  back  to  Russia  in  anticipation  of  the  annual 
convention  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  He  mentioned  that  the  separation  from  their  four 
oldest  children,  and  the  death  of  their  little  Anna  had  caused  them  more  sadness  than  they  had 
thought  possible.  Little  Anna  must  have  been  bom  during  the  furlough  in  Russia  or  shortly  after 
their  return  to  India,  then  died  as  an  infant  or  young  child. 

The  mission  work  in  India  was  progressing.  The  number  of  converts  had  increased,  this 
despite  the  fact  that  persecution  by  the  Muslims  never  ceased.  Heinrich  was  busy  and  attended  a 
district  missionary  conference  in  mid  September,  1912. 

Soon  after  he  returned  to  Jongaon  from  the  conference  he  became  seriously  ill.  When  his 
condition  did  not  improve  medical  help  was  sent  for,  but  that  did  not  stop  the  relentless  progress 
of  typhus.  Heinrich  died  on  October  23,  1912. 

In  his  last  days  Heinrich  had  some  time  to  reflect  on  his  work  and  the  church.  He  urged 
the  young  people  to  come  out  as  missionaries;  others  should  give  up  their  accumulated  rubles  and 
donate  them  to  the  work.  He  also  noted,  from  his  recent  experience  in  Russia,  that  the  Mennonite 
Brethren  spent  too  much  time  focussing  on  dogma,  rather  than  putting  all  effort  into  mission  work 
that  needed  to  be  done. 

Heinrich  was  buried  almost  immediately.  Missionaries  Franz  Wiens  and  Abram  J.  Huebert 
dug  the  grave  overnight  and  lined  it  with  concrete  to  protect  the  body  from  jackals  and  white  ants. 
The  funeral  service  was  held  the  next  day,  on  October  24,  with  a  sermon  by  Tirmalajah,  one  of 
Unruh’s  preachers.  Abram  Huebert  gave  the  tribute  in  German,  Franz  Wiens  in  Telugu. 

Anna  was  pregnant  at  the  time,  and  on  December  1, 1912,  the  last  Unruh  child,  Elisabeth, 
was  bom.  In  the  meantime  Anna  carried  on  managing  the  entire  station  at  Jangaon.  She  left  for 
Russia  on  January  29,  1913,  and  stayed  with  a  Reimer  family  in  the  Molotschna.  Provisions  were 
made  for  her  support  and  that  of  the  six  children,  presumably  by  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Conference.  Anna  died  in  Ohrloff,  Molotschna,  on  October  13,  1921.  All  six  of  her  surviving 
children  eventually  emigrated  to  Canada,  where  they  settled  in  British  Columbia. 

Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh  left  an  impressive  legacy.  His  good  friend  Heinrich  Braun  wrote 
about  his  work  as  a  missionary  “...he  put  his  whole  soul  into  the  work.  His  body  and  spirit 
belonged  to  the  great  work  of  the  heavenly  master,  and  he  pointed  out  the  way  to  Christ  for  many 
a  Telugu.  God  be  praised!”  About  the  time  spent  in  South  Russia  Braun  remarked  “...when  he 
visited  our  churches  one  or  two  years  ago,  many  a  person  could,  besides  thanking  Jesus,  also  thank 
Unruh  for  salvation... he  was  a  real  minister  to  people  and  an  effective  soul  winner.” 


Sources: 

Braun,  Heinrich,  News  Report,  Unruh  tot,  Familie  bleibt,  Friedensstimme,  20  November  1912 
P  3 

Dueck,  Abe  J.,  The  Changing  Role  ofBiblical\Theological  Education  in  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church,  a  chapter  in  The  Bible  and  the  Church,  Kindred  Press,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and 
Hillsboro,  USA,  1988,  p  143 

Dueck,  Abe  J.,  Moving  Beyond  Secession,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and  Hillsboro, 
USA,  1998,  pp  67,  70 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  468, 469,  564,  567,  568 

Penner,  Peter,  Russians,  North  Americans,  and  Telugus,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada, 
and  Hillsboro,  USA,  1997,  pp  10,  25,  35,  41,  55-57,  89 

Peters,  G.  W.,  Foundations  of  Mennonite  Brethren  Missions,  Kindred  Press,  Hillsboro,  USA, 
and  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1984,  p  39 


123 


Unruh,  A.  H.,  Die  Geschichte  der  Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde,  General  Conference  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  North  America,  Hillsboro,  USA,  1955,  pp  193,  194, 
262,  263 

Unruh  Family  History,  Peggy  Regehr  [grand  daughter  of  A.  H.  Unruh]  of  Winnipeg,  Canada 

It  should  be  noted  that  in  some  of  the  indexes  all  references  to  “  Heinrich  Unruh”  are  lumped 
together,  or  attributed  to  the  wrong  person.  There  were  at  least  three  church  leaders  by  that 
name  active  at  roughly  the  same  time,  Elder  Heinrich  Peter  Unruh  of  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite 
Church,  Heinrch  Unruh  of  the  Kuban,  and  Missionary  Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh. 


124 


JAKOB  JOHANN  KROEKER 

[1872-1948] 

One  of  the  Organizers  of  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Jakob  Johann  Kroeker  was  bom  on  October  31,  1872,  in  Gnadental,  Molotschna.  From 
there  his  parents  with  their  family  moved  to  Spat,  in  the  Crimea.  One  of  his  teachers,  likely  in 
primary  school,  was  the  well  known  Peter  P.  Siemens.  After  passing  his  state  examinations  he 
spent  two  years  teaching  at  a  Mennonite  school  in  Minlertschick,  near  Spat. 

Jakob  married  Anna  Langemann,  daughter  of  Johann  Langemann  of  Margenau,  in  1893. 
He  attended  the  Hamburg  Baptist  Theological  Seminary,  graduating  in  four  years,  then  returned 
to  Spat  in  the  summer  of  1897.  The  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  quickly  recognized  his  gifts,  so 
he  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  by  Elder  David  Schellenberg  on  May  25, 1 898.  Jakob  Kroeker  and 
David  Duerksen  served  a  number  of  years  as  travelling  evangelists  for  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Conference.  Together  they  also  were  members  of  a  commission  which  supervised  the  teaching  of 
religion  and  German  in  the  Mennonite  schools  of  the  Crimea.  In  1 902  they  collaborated  in  sending 
a  report  about  the  activities  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  in  the  Crimea  [used  by  P.  M. 
Friesen,  pages  465-470]. 

In  1897  Jakob’s  cousin,  Abraham  Jakob  Kroeker,  also 
moved  to  Spat  in  the  Crimea.  They  began  an  association  which 
produced  an  important  series  of  publications.  Starting  in  1 897 
they  published  the  Christlicher  Familienkalender,  a  Christian 
family  almanac,  which  by  1911  sold  12,000  copies.  From  1899 
to  1917  the  Christlicher  Abreiss-Kalender  appeared,  a  daily 
devotional  booklet;  in  1911  a  total  of  25,000  were  printed.  A 
less  successful  venture  was  the  Christliches  Jahrbuch,  which 
they  published  from  1902  to  1905.  All  of  these  had  a  wide 
circulation  among  Mennonites  in  Russia  and  North  America,  as 
well  as  in  non-Mennonite  circles. 

Initially  from  their  homes  in  Spat  the  two  Kroekers 
published  Friedensstimme,  a  general  Mennonite  newspaper, 
which  also  in  part  served  as  the  unofficial  voice  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren.  It  was  started  in  1903,  originally  being 
printed  in  Berlin,  Germany,  because  the  Kroekers  feared  that 
permission  to  print  in  Russia  would  never  be  granted.  In 
January  of  1906,  however,  permission  was  granted,  so 
publication  began  in  Halbstadt,  although  the  paper  was  carefully 
censored.  The  Kroekers  in  the  meantime  [in  1905]  had  moved 
to  Halbstadt  to  continue  their  work.  At  first  Friedensstimme 
appeared  twice  a  month,  then  from  1 906  to  1 908  weekly,  and  after  that  twice  a  week.  By  1 9 1 3  there 
were  5,800  subscribers.  The  paper  contained  inspirational  articles,  home  and  foreign  mission  news, 
reports  from  schools,  hospitals,  and  other  institutions,  news  of  events  in  the  Mennonite  colonies, 
book  reports  and  a  wide  variety  of  advertizing.  With  the  outbreak  of  World  War  I  publication  was 
discontinued,  although  it  appeared  for  brief  times  under  various  other  names,  including 
Molotschnaer  Flugblatt  and  Volksfreund,  the  last  issues  appearing  as  late  as  September,  1920. 

Jakob  was  one  of  the  founders  of  Raduga,  the  printing  and  publishing  house  based  in 


125 


Halbstadt.  He  was  on  the  board  of  Morija,  the  nursing  school  also  based  in  the  Halbstadt  area,  and 
for  a  time  was  secretary  of  the  organization.  Jakob  was  one  of  the  speakers  at  the  official 
dedication  of  the  facility  on  May  23,  1910. 

Jakob  became  interested  in  the  revivalist  Dr.  Friedrich  Baedeker,  and  through  this  contact 
became  acquainted  with  the  evangelical  movement  in  St.  Petersburg,  which  included  some  of  the 
nobility.  He  also  became  familiar  with  the  Alliance  movement  of  Germany  and  the  Baltic 
countries.  He  was  a  member  of  the  organizing  committee  of  the  Alliance  Conference  in 
Blankenberg,  and  attended  the  conferences  almost  every  year.  Jakob  extended  his  interests  to 
organizing  Bible  conferences  in  South  Russia  as  well.  As  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  1909 
conference  in  Halbstadt,  he  undoubtedly  used  some  of  his  contacts  in  St.  Petersburg  to  obtain  a 
number  of  the  speakers,  such  as  Preacher  Regentrop,  P.  Grubb  and  Adam  Podin. 

Jakob  also  had  a  heart  for  his  immediate  neighbours.  He  and  Walter  L.  Jack,  a  Reformed 
Pfarrer  from  Germany  who  had  begun  a  seminary  in  Astrakhan,  were  involved  in  a  tent  ministry 
among  the  Russian  population.  It  is  possible  that  through  this  contact  Jack  was  asked  to  be  the 
keynote  speaker  at  the  dedication  of  the  Morija  Deaconess  Home. 

In  1 9 1 0  Jakob  felt  the  distinct  call  to  move,  in  part  because  of  his  health  and  partly  because 
he  needed  to  rest.  In  the  spring  of  the  year  he  had  travelled  to  Switzerland  and  Germany  to  find  a 
suitable  place.  He  found  a  very  neat  house  with  a  small  garden  in  the  picturesque  town  of 
Wemigerode  am  Harz,  in  Germany.  He  preached  a  number  of  farewell  messages,  one  in  Halbstadt, 
the  other  in  Tiegenhagen,  visited  relatives  in  the  Crimea,  then  departed,  likely  in  mid  June. 

Jakob  did  keep  up  some  contacts  with  southern  Russia,  for  example,  he  published  a 
devotional  article  in  Friedensstimme  in  January  of  191 1 ,  but  his  absence  may  account  for  the  fact 
that  the  “annual”  Bible  conferences  held  in  Halbstadt  did  not  continue.  Many  of  Jakob’s 
connections  with  Russia  were  of  course  interrupted  with  the  outbreak  of  war  in  1914. 

Jakob,  however,  continued  his  theological  studies,  and  he  continued  to  write.  He  had 
written  and  published  books  both  in  Spat  and  Halbstadt,  and  pursued  this  aspect  of  his  ministry  in 
Germany  as  well.  A  series  of  books,  eight  volumes,  Das 
lebendige  Wort,  was  published  in  1934.  Other  books 
included  Allein  mit dem  Meister,  Der  verborgene  Umgang 
mit  Gott,  Licht  von  seinem  Lichte,  and  Weltstaat  und 
Gottesreich.  Roemerbrief-Kommentar  Kapitel  1-8  was 
published  after  his  death  in  1949;  Im  Heiligtum  des 
Vaterunsers  was  actually  written  in  1898  when  Jakob  still 
lived  in  Spat,  but  was  first  published  in  1951.  Someofhis 
books  went  through  numerous  editions. 

During  World  War  I  Jacob  was  active  in  ministry 
to  Russian  prisoners  of  war,  distributing  Bibles  and 
preaching  in  the  camps.  After  conclusion  of  the  war, 
together  with  Walter  Jack,  he  founded  Licht  im  Osten,  a 
missionary  society  which  helped  educate  Russian 
preachers  at  a  seminary  in  Wemigerode,  supplied  relief  to 
the  needy  in  Russia,  and  conducted  an  annual  faith 
conference.  Kroeker  was  president,  Jack  the  Missions 
Inspector,  with  special  interest  in  Russia.  This  agency  also 
printed  Dein  Reich  Komme,  a  monthly  missionary  paper: 
begun  in  1920,  it  still  is  being  published  [1999].  It 
provided  an  excellent  vehicle  for  Kroeker  and  Jack  to 
write  articles,  often  relating  to  the  state  of  the  church  in 


Jakob  Kroeker  in  his  later  years  as 
Director  of  Licht  im  Osten 


126 


Russia.  Jakob  became  known  among  the  Protestant  churches  in  central  and  eastern  Europe,  and 
participated  in  many  conferences.  Rroeker  and  Jack,  in  1937,  were  asked  to  become  president  and 
vice-president  of  the  Band  der  Evangeliumschristen  [Society  of  Evangelical  Christians],  but 
declined  the  offer. 

While  working  in  a  non-denominational  mission,  Kroeker  still  maintained  his  ties  with 
the  Mennonite  brotherhood.  In  1 925  he  delivered  the  keynote  address  at  the  first  Mennonite  World 
Conference,  held  in  Basel,  Switzerland.  Through  his  lecture  tours  he  influenced  Mennonites  in 
Germany,  Switzerland  and  North  America. 

In  1945,  after  the  collapse  of  Germany  at  the  end  of  World  War  II,  the  Kroekers  left 
Wemigerode  because  the  area  fell  into  the  Russian  zone  of  occupation.  They  settled  near  Stuttgart, 
where  Jakob’s  health  began  to  deteriorate  in  1946.  C.  F.  Klassen  visited  the  very  ill  Jakob  on 
December  8, 1 948,  taking  along  greetings  for  his  many  friends  in  North  America.  Jakob  died  four 
days  later,  on  December  12,  1948.  The  funeral  was  held  on  December  16.  Some  of  the  speakers 
were  Pfarrer  Walter  Fellmann,  Preacher  Rupp,  Pastor  Hans  Brandenburg,  chairman  of  the  board 
of  Licht  im  Osten,  Professor  Benjamin  Unruh  of  Karlsruhe,  representing  the  Russian  Mennonites, 
and  C.  F.  Klassen,  representing  the  Mennonite  Central  Committee.  A  small  choir  from  the 
Muehlhausen  church  sang.  The  funeral,  at  the  request  of  Jakob’s  wife  Anna,  was  concluded  by  the 
singing  of  the  well  known  hymn  “ Grosser  Gott,  wir  loben  Dich,”  [Holy  God,  We  Praise  Thy 
Name].  Jakob  Kroeker  was  buried  in  the  Stuttgart-Muelhausen  cemetery. 

Anna  and  some  of  their  nine  children  stayed  in  Germany,  while  a  number  of  them 
emigrated  to  Canada. 


Sources: 

Dueck,  Abe,  The  Changing  Role  of  BiblicalXTheological  Education  in  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church,  a  chapter  in  The  Bible  and  the  Church,  Kindred  Press,  Winnipeg,  Canada 
and  Hillsboro,  USA,  1988,  p  143 

Dueck,  Abe,  Moving  Beyond  Secession,  Kindred  Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  and  Hillsboro, 
USA,  1998,  pp  13,65,57,  111 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  465,  467-469, 659,  671, 672, 720, 724.  Pages  465-470  are  a  report  co-authored 
by  Jakob  Kroeker  and  David  Duerksen. 

Goerz,  Heinrich,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950\1951 
p  166,  English  Edition,  1993,  pp  199,  200 
Klassen,  C.  F.,  Ein  Kranker  gruesst,  Der  Bote,  5  January  1949,  p  3 
Krahn,  Cornelius,  Obituary,  Der  Bote,  5  January  1949,  p  5 
Kroeker,  Jakob,  Einladung,  Friedensstimme,  15  May  1910,  p  3 
Kroeker,  Jakob,  Die  Wohnung  Gottes,  Friedensstimme,  8  January  191 1,  pp  1-3 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Mueller,  Joachim,  Dem  Gedaechtnis  Jakob  Kroekers,  Dein  Reich  Komme,  January  1949,  pp  1-3 
News  Report,  Abschiedspredicht ,  Friedensstimme,  2  June  1910,  p  8 

News  Report,  Einweihung  des  Diakonissenheims  Morija,  Friedensstimme,  5  June  1910,  pp  3, 4 
Springer,  Nelson  P.,  and  Klassen,  A.  J.,  Mennonite  Bibliography  1631-1961,  Herald  Press, 
Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada,  1977,  Kroeker  has  237  references 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  89,  90,  96,  97,  104 

Unruh,  A.  H.,  Die  Geschichte  der  Mennoniten-Bruedergemeinde,  General  Conference  of  the 

Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  North  America,  Hillsboro,  USA,  1955,  pp  193, 194, 229, 
251,252,  254,  821,822 


127 


HARRY  PERCY  GRUBB 


One  of  the  Guest  Speakers  at  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Speaker  P.  Grubb  was  most  likely  Harry  Percy  [he  was  usually  called  Percy]  Grubb  [1848- 
1925], seventh  child  and  fourth  son  of  Richard  and  Maria  Grubb.  While  “Grubb”  is  not  a  typical 
Irish  name,  but  is  found  among  the  Pennsylvania-Germans,  this  Grubb  family  was  known  as  “The 
Grubbs  of  Tipperary”.  They  must  have  lived  in  Ireland  for  some  time  to  achieve  that  distinction. 

Percy’s  parents  were  originally  Quakers,  although  they  were  “disowned”  by  this  group  in 
1840,  eight  years  before  Percy  was  bom.  He  was  baptized  as  an  infant  in  Cahir  Church  in  Ireland 
on  October  31,  1850.  Percy  was  the  first  of  the  Grubbs  to  become  a  clergyman,  graduating  from 
Trinity  College,  Dublin,  with  his  M.A.  The  Reverend  Harry  P.  Gmbb  held  a  number  of  posts  in 
Ireland,  then  beginning  in  1879  in  London  and  other  areas  of  England.  While  rector  of  a  parish  in 
Nottinghamshire  he  was  called  “an  Irishman  with  evangelical  leanings”.  Percy  was  assistant 
General  Secretary  of  the  Church  Mission  Society  from  1 885  to  1 897,  therefore  obviously  interested 
in  missions  and  evangelism.  His  education  and  all  his  positions  and  activities  both  in  Ireland  and 
later  in  England  related  to  the  Anglican  Church. 

Percy  married  Margaret  Crighton-Stuart  in  1892.  Her  father,  James  Crighton- Stuart,  Esq., 
was  in  the  Foreign  Office.  One  side  of  his  family  was  of  Huguenot  background.  Through  his  wife 
Percy  had  connections  with  G.  W.  A.  Waldgrave  [Lord  Radstock],  an  itinerant  evangelist  from 
Great  Britain  who  had  begun  to  bring  about  spiritual  awakening  in  a  number  of  aristocraticfamilies 
in  Russia  connected  with  the  imperial  court.  Margaret’s  mother  was  wealthy,  and  a  real  Victorian 
aristocrat.  She  became  associated  with  the  evangelistic  activities  of  the  “upper  classes”  centering 
around  Lord  Radstock’ s  large  London  home  on  Portman  Square. 

It  is  probably  through  the  Lord  Radstock  connection  that  the  organizers  of  the  Halbstadt 
Bible  Conference  learned  to  know  of  Percy  Grubb.  Both  Lord  Radstock  and  Jakob  Kroeker  spent 
time  in  St.  Petersburg,  so  they  quite  possibly  knew  each  other,  and  could  quite  easily  have  made 
arrangements  for  the  invitation  to  Halbstadt. 

Did  Percy  speak  German  or  Russian  at  the  conference?  Being  bom,  raised  and  educated 
in  Ireland  makes  it  unlikely  that  he  was  fluent  enough  in  either  language  to  preach  in  it.  English 
was  certainly  not  well  enough  known  by  the  Mennonites  in  the  Molotschna  to  understand  sermons. 
Were  translators  used?  No  report  gives  any  information  on  the  subject. 

George  Carleton  Gmbb  [1856-1940],  younger  brother  of  Percy,  was  also  interested  in 
missions  and  evangelism.  He  was  also  educated  in  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  became  a  curate, 
with  posts  in  Ireland.  He  became  a  travelling  evangelist  and  missionary  for  the  Keswick 
Convention,  and  did  travel  to  Russia.  It  is  unlikely,  however,  that  George  was  the  Gmbb  involved 
with  the  Halbstadt  conference.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  been  based  in  London,  and  his  initial  was 
certainly  not  “P”. 

Sources: 

Grubb,  Geoffry  W.,  The  Grubbs  of  Tipperary,  The  Mercier  Press,  Cork,  Ireland,  1972, 
pp  157,  162,  164 

Klippenstein,  Laurence,  Russian  Evangelicalism  Revisited:  Ivan  Kargel  and  the  Founding  of  the 
Russian  Baptist  Union ,  Baptist  History  and  Heritage,  April  1992,  p  42 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Pawles,  J.  C.,  Librarian,  Spurgeon’s  College,  London,  England,  Letters,  8  June  1998; 

1 1  November  1998 


128 


ADAMK.  PODIN 


One  of  the  Guest  Speakers  at  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Baptists  in  Russia,  just  like  the  Mennonites,  had  strict  instructions  that  they  could  preach 
to,  but  not  convert  their  Russian  neighbours.  Adam  Podin  was  one  person  who  preached  with  the 
aim  of  converting  with  the  full  blessing  and  encouragement  of  the  government. 

Adam  was  bom  in  Lithuania  in  1862,  received  a  good  education,  then  became  a  teacher  in 
a  government  school.  Upon  his  conversion  in  1889  he  was  dismissed  from  his  position.  He 
travelled  to  England  to  visit  friends,  then  on  his  return  home  was  baptized  by  Baron  Stackelberg, 
pastor  of  the  Baptist  church  in  Kegel.  Adam,  under  the  supervision  of  Stackelberg,  preached  and 
evangelized  in  the  villages  around  Kegel,  and  in  time  even  made  preaching  tours  into  Estonia. 

Adam  returned  to  England,  spending  time  at  the  Missionary  Training  Home  at  Drayton 
Park,  N.  Having  completed  his  studies  he  returned  to  Kegel  where  he  succeeded  Stackelberg  as 
pastor  in  1900.  He  was  called  “the  God-equipped  man  for  the  work”.  He  was  a  good  linguist, 
familiar  with  seven  languages,  tall,  broad-shouldered,  yet  obviously  kind  and  gentle. 

About  1904  Adam  was  approached  by  a  highly  placed  government  official  in  St.  Peters¬ 
burg,  who  was  also  a  Baptist.  It  was  requested  that  Adam  visit  the  prisons  throughout  the  northern 
part  of  the  Russian  empire,  as  well  as  the  exile  camps  in  Siberia.  Documents  were  prepared  which 
allowed  him  to  hold  gospel  services  in  prisons  and  exile  settlements,  and  in  addition  he  was  given 
several  thousand  copies  of  the  New  Testament  for  distribution  among  the  prisoners.  In  this  capacity 
Adam  travelled  long  and  arduous  journeys  by  train, 
steamer  and  droshky,  through  storms  and  floods. 

On  one  trip,  in  the  spring  of  1 9 1 1 ,  he  distributed 
3,400  New  Testaments  in  seven  different  languages.  On 
another  occasion  he  preached  at  a  series  of  meetings  at 
Perm,  the  great  exile  forwarding  station.  Altogether 
there  were  6,000  prisoners,  many  of  whom  were  not 
likely  to  see  their  homes  again.  He  spoke  to  them  in 
groups,  for  instance  the  second  day  he  preached  to  800 
manacled  men,  sentenced  to  twenty  years  in  exile,  to  be 
served  near  the  Amur  River.  First  they  would  have  to 
walk  thousands  of  versts  through  forests  and  across 
deserts,  then  at  their  destination  the  work  would  be 
extremely  hard.  Very  few  would  survive  five  years  of 
their  sentences.  In  a  number  of  days  Podin  had  spoken 
to  all  of  the  prisoners,  most  gladly  accepting  the  gift  of 
a  New  Testament. 

So  the  work  continued.  Sometimes  Adam  would 
speak  at  up  to  forty  gatherings  in  one  day.  He  was 
fatigued,  the  strain  was  severe,  but  “having  heard  the 
Master’s  call”  he  could  not  turn  back. 

It  is  quite  probable  that  Jakob  Kroeker  came  into  contact  with  Podin,  since  both  frequented 
St.  Petersburg,  the  Russian  capital.  This  was  likely  the  personal  connection  with  the  newspaper 
Friedensstimme,  where  Podin  published  a  series  of  articles  about  his  prison  ministry.  Both  Jakob 
Kroeker  and  the  Mennonite  community  would  therefore  have  been  familiar  with  his  work.  It  is  thus 
not  surprising  that  he  was  invited  to  be  a  speaker  at  the  August  20-23  Bible  Conference  in 


Adam  K.  Podin 


129 


Halbstadt.  The  Mennonites  obviously  liked  him,  since  he  was  asked  to  be  a  guest  speaker  again, 
at  the  dedication  of  the  Morija  nursing  school  on  March  23,  1910.  He  used  Romans  Chapter  1  as 
his  text,  emphasizing  the  inexpressible  riches  we  have  in  Jesus  Christ. 

Through  a  series  of  letters  Adam  wrote  to  a  journal,  Evangelical  Christendom,  it  is  known 
that  he  was  active  in  the  prison  ministry  until  at  least  1917.  It  is  highly  unlikely  that  he  continued 
his  ministry  in  the  prisons  during  the  Russian  Revolution  and  even  less  likely  that  he  would  have 
continued  once  the  Bolsheviks  took  power. 

Sources: 

Byford,  Rev.  Charles  T.,  Peasants  and  Prophets,  Second  Edition,  James  Clarke  and  Co.,  London, 
1914,  pp  127-134 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  5  June  1910,  p  3,  4 

Podin,  A.,  Gefangenenmission,  Friedensstimme,  14  February  1909,  p  5 

Podin,  A.,  Aus  der  Arbeit  in  den  Gefaengnissen,  Friedensstimme,  28  February  1909,  pp  4,  5 

Podin,  A.,  Arbeit  unter  den  Gefangenen,  Friedensstimme,  18  July  1909,  pp  6,  7 

Podin,  A.,  Gefaengnismission,  Friedensstimme,  3  April  1910,  pp  3,  4 

Wardin,  Albert  W.,  Evangelical  Sectarianism  in  the  Russian  Empire  and  the  USSR,  The  American 
Theological  Library  Association  and  Scarecrow  Press,  Inc.,  Lanham,  USA,  and  London, 
UK,  pp  56,  57 


130 


JOHANN  HUEBERT 


One  of  the  Guest  Speakers  at  the  Bible  Conference 
held  in  Halbstadt  August  20-23,  1909 

Johann  Huebert  came  from  the  Lichtenau  area  of  the  Molotschna..  He  was  married;  his 
wife’s  name  is  not  known,  but  her  initial  was  “M”.  In  1893  Johann,  likely  aged  no  more  than  30, 
went  to  Java  as  a  missionary  under  the  Niederlaendisch-Indischen  Taufgesinnten-Mission 
[Mennonite  Association  for  the  Spread  of  the  Gospel  in  Dutch  Colonies].  He  worked  in  Kedung, 
Pendjalin.  When  he  arrived  there  were  few  Christians  in  the  largely  Muslim  area.  In  1899  Johann 
could  report  that  1 5  persons  had  been  baptized  that  year,  bringing  the  total  church  membership  to 
30.  They  had  just  finished  building  a  school  large  enough  to  house  150  children.  Medical  work 
was  also  proceeding,  with  medical  supplies  having  been  distributed  to  160  villages.  After  16  years 
of  work  there  was  a  flourishing  church  of  507  members.  In  order  to  allow  people  to  become 
Christians  the  mission  had  to  help  them  move  out  of  their  immediate  surroundings,  so  it  provided 
settlements  on  rented  land. 

Johann  and  his  wife  returned  on  furlough  to  South  Russia,  probably  in  late  1908.  On 
January  6,  1909  Johann  preached  in  the  morning  at  the  Alexanderkrone  Mennonite  Church,  then 
at  a  funeral  in  the  afternoon.  On  Pentecost,  1909,  he  preached  at  the  annual  Missionfest  held  in 
Gnadenfeld. 

In  June  of  1909  the  Hueberts  planned  to  travel  from  Steintal  in  Russia  to  Germany.  His 
wife  was  to  stay  in  Germany,  Johann  would  return  to  southern  Russia  in  the  autumn.  August  20-23, 
1909,  he  participated  in  the  Bible  Conference  in  Halbstadt,  likely  reporting  about  his  mission  work 
in  Java. 

Back  in  Germany,  Johann  visited  churches  in  southern  Germany,  in  Baden  Baden, 
Wuerttemberg  and  the  Pfalz.  He  also  visited  Swiss  churches  at  Emmental  and  Langnau,  reporting 
about  his  mission  work  and  collecting  funds.  Then  the  Hueberts  headed  to  Lucerne,  through  the 
St.  Gotthard  Tunnel,  and  south  to  Genoa.  March  3,1910  they  boarded  the  steamer  “Oranje”,  bound 
for  Java.  Johann  sent  a  lengthy  report  about  the  trip  to  Friedensstimme,  but  beyond  that  no  further 
information  about  the  Hueberts  has  been  found,  except  that  Johann  died  in  1944. 

Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  551,  559 

Huebert,  J.,  Auszug  aus  dem  Jahres  Bericht,  Christlicher  Familienkalender,  1901,  pp  64,  65 

Huebert,  J.  and  M.,  Letter,  Friedensstimme,  19  December  1909,  p  5 

Huebert,  J.,  Letter,  Friedensstimme,  6  June  1909,  p  9 

Huebert,  J.  and  M.,  An  Bord  des  Dampfers  "Oranje  ”,  Friedensstimme,  3  April  1910,  pp  2,  3 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Mulder  A.,  A  Century  of  Mennonite  Missions,  Mennonite  Life,  January,  1 948,  pp  12-15 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  10  January  1909,  p  1 1 

News  Report,  Missionsfest,  Friedensstimme,  30  May  1909,  p  10 

News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  14  November  1909,  p  3 


131 


20.  DEDICATION  OF  THE 
DEACONESS  HOME  MORIJA 
MAY  23, 1910 


A  hospital  was  established  in  Muntau,  Molotschna  Colony,  in  1889.  Minister  and 
land  owner  Franz  Wall  of  the  Crimea  was  inspired  by  the  example  of  Georg  Mueller  of 
Bristol,  England,  to  act  in  faith.  The  Muntau  project  grew,  and  when  the  founder  died  in 
1906,  his  son,  Franz  Wall  Jr.  took  over  the  operation.  Shortly  before  World  War  I  the 
facility  was  expanded  to  a  capacity  of  60  beds.  For  many  years  the  Chief  of  Medical  Staff 
was  Dr.  Erich  Tavonius. 

The  Muntau  Hospital  also  had  an  associated  school  of  nursing  with  a  residence, 
established  in  1896,  but  it  remained  small.  In  1907  there  were  four  qualified  nurses  and 
four  trainees  involved. 

The  need  was  felt  to  establish  a  much  larger  and  more  comprehensive  deaconess 
home  in  the  Molotschna.  Likely  the  models  used  were  a  number  of  deaconess  homes  that 
were  in  the  Baltic  States,  in  Mitau  [Jelgava],  Riga  and  Reval  [Tallin],  A  number  of 
Mennonite  women  had  actually  graduated  from  these  institutions .  There  was  to  be  religious 
and  general  knowledge  instruction  as  well  as  theoretical  and  practical  nursing.  Once  the 
course  was  completed  Morija  could  remain  the  home  for  nurses  working  in  various 
surrounding  health  care  institutions.  It  was  planned  that  it  would  also  serve  as  a  retirement 
home  for  sick  or  aging  nurses.  Three  men  had  the  vision  to  establish  the  Morija  Deaconess 
Home  -  Franz  Wall  Jr.,  Peter  Schmidt  [a  rich  land  owner],  and  Dr.  Erich  Tavonius. 

A  three  year  curriculum  was  developed  to  implement  the  plans.  The  first  year 
involved  theoretical  instruction  in  subjects  including  Bible,  German,  mathematics, 
geography,  history,  anatomy  and  other  sciences.  The  last  two  years  were  dedicated  to 
practical  work  in  the  Muntau  Hospital.  Instructors  would  be  the  Home  Administrator, 
medical  staff  such  as  Dr.  Tavonius,  and  various  other  teachers.  Nursing  was  to  be  the 
vocational  vehicle,  but  service  to  God  by  helping  the  sick  and  disabled  was  the  primary 
focus.  The  overall  vision  statement  was  modelled  somewhat  after  that  of  a  similar  home 
in  Beme,  Switzerland. 

Construction  of  the  building,  meant  to  house  20-25  nurses,  was  begun  in  May,  1 909. 
Apparently  initial  plans  had  been  to  complete  the  project  by  September,  but  inclement 
weather  caused  some  delays.  In  June  they  were  working  on  the  foundation,  and  finally  in 
December  the  facilities  were  ready  to  be  occupied.  On  the  evening  of  December  3  all  the 
nurses,  Dr.  Tavonius  and  a  number  of  other  guests  were  invited  for  tea  to  celebrate  the 
event.  This  was  followed  by  a  prayer  meeting  in  which  the  whole  project  was  offered  to  the 
Lord  and  Master.  The  official  dedication,  however,  was  delayed  until  the  spring  of  1910, 
because  it  was  felt  that  the  roads  were  undependable  in  wintertime,  making  it  difficult  for 
the  out  of  town  visitors. 

Throughout  1909  and  into  1910,  Heinrich  Braun,  the  treasurer  for  the  Morija 
project,  published  requests  for  funds  for  the  building  project  in  Friedensstimme.  Lists  of 
donors  and  donations  were  also  published,  for  example  gifts  totalling  3,655  rubles,  76 


132 


kopeks  were  listed  on  June  13,  1909.  P.  Schmidt,  likely  one  of  the  founders,  gave  2,000 
rubles,  and  Dr.  Tavonius  contributed  912  rubles,  76  kopeks. 

hi  early  1910  a  number  of  invitations  to  the  official  dedication  to  be  held  in 
Halbstadt  on  May  23  appeared  in  Friedensstimme.  The  secretary  of  the  committee 
responsible  for  making  the  announcements  was  Jakob  Kroeker. 


* 


* 


* 


On  Sunday,  May  23,  at  8:30  AM,  the  dedication  ceremonies  for  the  Morija 
Deaconess  Home  began  in  the  Mennonite  church  in  Halbstadt.  Proceedings  started  with 
brief  introductory  remarks  by  Elder  Heinrich  Unruh  of  Muntau.  On  the  basis  of  Paul’s 
letter  to  the  Ephesians  2:10  “For  we  are  God’s  workmanship,  created  in  Christ  Jesus  to  do 
good  works...”  he  felt  that  the 
attitude  of  the  children  of  God  must 
be  one  of  service. 

Then  Pastor  Walter  Jack,  at 
the  time  residing  in  Astrakhan, 
delivered  the  celebration  address, 
tying  together  the  description  of  the 
Last  Supper  of  John  6:53-58  with 
“being  in  Christ  Jesus”  of  Paul’s 
description  in  I  Corinthians  1:30. 

He  drew  the  parallel  that  the  life  is 
in  the  blood;  if  a  body  loses  blood, 
there  is  less  and  less  life  remaining. 

So,  said  Jack,  the  drinking  of  the 
blood  of  Christ  means  the 
acceptance  of  a  new,  godly, 
everlasting  life.  Partaking  of  his 
flesh  means  the  acceptance  of  Christ’s  life  in  the  flesh,  as  he  lived  it  from  the  cradle  to  the 
grave.  Through  the  acceptance  of  these  elements  our  knowledge  and  our  justification  will 
be  completed  in  the  eyes  of  God. 

The  last  sermon  of  the  morning  was  delivered  by  Adam  Podin  of  Kegel.  He  spoke 
of  the  inestimable  riches  we  have  in  Jesus  Christ,  based  on  Ephesians  chapter  1.  We  were 
chosen  before  the  creation  of  the  world  [v.4],  he  then  predestined  us  to  be  his  adopted  sons 
[v.5],  we  have  redemption  through  Christ’s  blood  [v.7],  and  we  have  received  the  riches  of 
God’s  grace  [v.7, 8],  Only  a  fool  would  prefer  the  wealth  the  world  has  to  offer  according 
to  Luke  12:20. 

The  afternoon  celebration  continued  in  the  Halbstadt  community  hall.  The  first 
speaker,  Heinrich  Guenther  of  Ohrloff,  mentioned  the  testing  of  Abraham  on  Mount 
Moriah  [German  \Morija ]  as  described  in  Genesis  chapter  22.  The  Old  Testament  story 


Morija  Deaconess  Home,  completed  in 
December,  1909 


133 


showed  Abraham’s  absolute  faith,  by  being  willing  to  give  everything  over  to  God.  He 
wished  the  deaconesses  a  similar  experience  in  the  newly  founded  Morija,  that  they  could 
give  themselves  totally  to  the  service  of  God,  and  that  God  would  accept  the  offering. 

Jakob  Kroeker  based  his  remarks  on  Luke  10:38-42, where  Jesus  entered  the  home 
of  Mary  and  Martha.  Mary  had  learned  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  Jesus  and  listened  to  what  he 
said.  That  is  necessary  to  effectively  serve  the  Lord.  Later  [John  12:1-11],  Mary  put 
perfume  on  Jesus  feet  and  wiped  them  with  her  hair.  Only  when  one  has  sat  at  Jesus  feet 
and  listened,  can  one  truly  serve  him  in  a  practical  way.  That  is  true  even  now.  Many  a 
person  may  have  thought  that  the  nurses  at  Morija  should  start  the  clinical  bedside  nursing 
immediately,  but  following  the  example  of  Mary,  they  first  need  to  sit  at  Jesus  feet  before 
they  start  to  serve. 

Dr.  Erich  Tavonius  made  a  distinction  between  a  nurse  and  a  deaconess.  A  nurse 
may  chose  her  profession  simply  to  make  a  living.  With  a  deaconess,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  material  considerations  are  totally  subservient  to  the  desire  to  serve  in  the  name  of 
Christ.  It  is  quite  possible  to  take  the  required  courses  at  the  Deaconess  Home,  yet  chose 
to  be  a  nurse  only  upon  completion,  if  the  person  does  not  feel  called  to  be  a  deaconess. 
Tavonius  encouraged  many  more  young  ladies  to  apply,  since  both  options  were  available, 
and  the  nursing  profession  itself  was  quite  well  paid. 

Heinrich  Braun  remarked  that  they  were  there  to  make  an  offering  -  but  not  to  offer 
up  others,  rather  themselves.  This  would  include  material  goods  the  Lord  had  entrusted 
them  with.  In  the  words  of  a  pastor  he  encouraged  the  guests  to  keep  the  copper  for 
themselves,  but  to  give  the  silver  and  the  gold.  As  treasurer,  Braun  continued  that  the  three 
necessary  ingredients  for  a  successful  home  had  been  provided,  namely  Light,  Air  and 
Water.  There  were  still  a  number  of  debts,  but  the  institution  was  young,  and  the  hope  was 
that  God  would  continue  to  provide  for  this  work  of  Christian  charity.  Thereupon  Braun 
read  the  financial  statement,  which  it  was  hoped  would  soon  be  published  in  the  newspaper 
Friedensstimme. 


* 


* 


The  first  class  had  nine 
students,  which  as  mentioned,  had 
moved  into  the  new  structure  in 
December  of  1 909.  Some  reports 
quote  there  being  40  students  per 
year,  which  likely  refers  to  the  later 
expansion.  Physicians  involved 
with  instruction  were  Dr.  Erich 
Tavonius  and  Dr.  Hausknecht. 
Administrator  [ Hausvater ]  was 
Minister  Jakob  Friesen.  The  head 


Morija  staff  1915-1916.  Sitting,  1.  to  r.  Maria  Wall, 
Minister  Jakob  Friesen,  Vera  Michelson  and 
Dr.  Hausknecht 


134 


nurse  was  Vera  Michelson  from 
Estland,  in  the  Baltics,  likely 
from  the  deaconess  home  in 
Reval.  Nursing  instructors  were 
Katya  Klassen,  Maria  Braun,  and 
by  1915  Maria  Wall.  Committee 
members  were  president,  initially 
Elder  H.  Unruh,  then  later  David 
Klassen,  secretary  Jakob  Kroeker 
and  treasurer  Heinrich  Braun. 

Other  members  were  Jakob  J. 

Sudermann,  Franz  F.  Wall  and 
David  J.  Dick  of  Apanlee. 

The  first  structure,  dedicated  in  1910,  was  a  one  story  building.  It  is  mentioned  that 

just  before  the  outbreak  of  World 
War  I  the  home  was  greatly 
enlarged,  and  moved  to  a  new  two 
story  building.  Obviously  the 
concept  of  this,  the  only  deaconess 
home  among  the  Mennonites,  had 
taken  hold  and  was  flourishing. 

The  Deaconess  Home 
continued  to  function  through  the 
revolutionary  period,  but  when  the 
communist  government  was 
entrenched  the  religious  aspects  of 
the  instruction  were  dropped.  As 
late  as  January  22,  1927,  Dr. 
Tavonius  wrote  a  letter  to  Unser  Blatt,  which  was  also  published  in  the  Mennonitische 
Rundschau ,  asking  young  ladies  to  consider  nursing  as  a  career  by  training  at  the 
“professional  medical  school.”  There  was  no  specific  mention  of  the  previous  “deaconess” 
function.  After  the  death  of  Vera  Michelson  in  1929  the  home  was  turned  into  a  medical 
institute  under  the  supervision  of  a  communist  administrator. 


The  new  expanded  Morija  Deaconess  Home 


Schwesternfest  [Nurse  Celebration]  at  Morija 


Sources: 

Friedensstimme  -  news  items  and  announcements: 

6  June  1909,  p  9 
13  June  1909,  p  10 
5  September  1 909,  pp  2,3 
30  January  1910,  p  3 
15  May  1910,  p  3 

5  June  1910,  pp  3,4  -  principal  source  of  information  about  the  dedication  ceremonies 
3  July  1910,  p  9 
18  July  1910,  pp  3,4 


135 


Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  659,  650 

Goerz,  H.,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlug,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950/51,  p  150 

Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Heritage  Remembered,  CMBC  Publications,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1974,  pp  78,  81,  83,  84 

Mennonite  Encyclopedia 

Quiring,  Walter,  and  Bartel,  Helen,  A  Is  Ihre  Zeit  Erfuellt  War,  Saskatoon,  Canada,  1963,  pp  70,  73,  79 
Tavonius,  Erich,  and  Thiessen,  Isaak,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  8  June  1927,  pp  5,  8,  a  reprint  of 
a  letter  first  published  in  Unser  Blatt 

Webster’s  New  World  Dictionary  defines  “deaconess”  as  follows: 

“A  woman  appointed  as  an  assistant  in  a  church,  as  for  helping  with  the  care  of  the  sick  and  poor  of  the 
parish.”  This  definition  precisely  fits  the  term  as  used  in  the  establishment  of  the  Morija  Deaconess 
Home. 


Background  Information: 

Dr.  Erich  Tavonius 
Pastor  Walter  L.  Jack 


136 


DR.  ERICH  A.  TAVONIUS 

[1872-  1927] 

A  Founder  of  Morija,  Speaker  at  the  Dedication 
and  Medical  Instructor 


Erich  Tavonius  was  the  third  of  five  children  of  Alexander  and  Alexandra  [Schulinus] 
Tavonius.  He  was  bom  on  October  3,  1872  in  a  small  fortification  Psebaj  in  the  Kuban  region  of 
Russia.  His  father  was  Swedish,  a  doctor,  serving  in  a  Russian  military  outpost.  By  the  time  Erich 
reached  school  age  his  father  had  been  posted  to  Gluchow,  Province  Tchemigov,  where  he  attended 
the  first  two  years  of  gymnasium.  He  received  a  certificate  of  excellence,  both  for  his  studies  and 
his  behaviour. 


When  Erich  was  ten  his  father  died,  at  the  age  of  44,  leaving  mother  Alexandra  with  five 
children,  four  boys  and  one  girl.  The  family  moved  to  Alexandra’s  former  home,  Dorpat  [now 
Tartu,  in  Estonia],  near  Koenigsberg,  in  East  Prussia.  Here  Erich  attended  the  Dorpat  Gymnasium, 
and  again  distinguished  himself  for  diligence  and  talent.  A  scholarship  of  100  rubles  per  year  for 
four  years  enabled  him  to  go  to  the  University  of  Dorpat,  where  he  entered  the  medical  faculty. 
Erich  was  recognized  as  a  serious,  ambitious  student.  He  never  missed  classes,  and  thanks  to  his 
talent  and  excellent  memory,  he  knew  the  subject  matter  as  soon  as  the  professor  had  completed 
the  last  lecture.  In  the  summer  holidays,  to  help  their  mother,  Erich  and  his  older  brother  Alexander 
worked  as  tutors  in  various  aristocratic  homes  in  the  Baltic  provinces. 

Erich  graduated  from  the  university  in  1895  with  highest  honours.  He  obtained  an 
appointment  at  a  hospital  in  Kremenchug,  province  of  Poltava,  where  he  worked  under  the 


Dr.  Erich  A.  Tavonius  [1872  -  1927] 


supervision  of  a  skillful  surgeon,  Dr. 
Bogajewsky.  After  that  he  served  a  brief  time 
on  the  estate  of  Prince  Dimitri  Konstantinovitch, 
near  Mirgorod,  a  posting  he  soon  traded  for  a 
job  at  Novo-Wassiljewka,  Berdyansk  area, 
where  he  stayed  until  1900.  When  the  position 
of  Chief  of  Staff  at  the  Muntau  Hospital  and 
Regional  Medical  Officer  became  available  he, 
upon  the  recommendations  of  his  friends  Jakob 
Sudermann  and  David  Dueck,  applied  for  and 
was  given  the  post. 

Only  a  brief  summary  of  his  27  years  at 
the  Muntau  Hospital  can  be  given.  Initially  the 
hospital  was  small,  with  limited  facilities.  The 
young  unknown  physician,  in  a  new  setting, 
needed  to  orient  himself  and  earn  the  trust  of  the 
constituency.  Erich  Tavonius  soon  achieved 
this  trust. 

In  1900,  the  year  of  his  arrival  in  the 
region,  he  married  Margarethe  Baumann, 
daughter  of  a  pastor  from  Prischib,  the  German 
village  across  the  Molochnaya  River  from 
Halbstadt. 

The  Muntau  Hospital  published  annual 


137 


reports,  which  were  sometimes  printed  in  the  Mennonite  periodicals.  The  1903  statistics  showed 
that  it  was  a  very  active  hospital.  In  all  there  had  been  3,239  patient  days,  with  1 9 1  patients  in  the 
hospital.  A  total  of  95  operations  were  done,  of  which  80  were  major,  1 5  minor  surgery.  Of  these 
operations  72  were  done  with  chloroform  general  anaesthesia,  12  with  local,  the  rest  without 
anaesthesia.  There  was  resection  of  tumour  in  20  operations,  resection  or  scraping  of  bone  in  12, 
seven  hernia  repairs,  five  major  amputations  and  even  four  cataract  removals.  Tavonius  probably 
took  care  of  most  of  the  admissions  to  hospital,  and  certainly  did  all  of  the  operations. 

Franz  Wall,  founder  and  administrator  of  the  Muntau  Hospital,  died  in  1904.  He  was 
replaced  by  his  son  Franz  Wall  Jr.  Several  months  after  Wall’s  death  terrible  tragedy  struck  in 
Prischib.  In  a  robbery  the  parents  and  sister  of  Margarethe  Tavonius,  Pastor  Baumann,  his  wife  and 
daughter  were  killed.  Both  Erich  and  Margarethe  were  shattered,  to  the  extent  that  they  took  a 
prolonged  leave  to  recuperate  in  Simferopol.  Erich  decided  never  to  return  to  the  region  again,  as 
a  matter  of  fact  to  give  up  surgery  entirely.  The  family  returned  to  Erich’s  home  in  the  Baltics. 
When  he  had  recovered  to  some  extent  he  went  to  the  University  of  Koenigsberg,  where  he  studied 
“Eye,  Ear,  Nose  and  Throat”  with  the  intention  of  going  out  as  a  missionary  doctor.  When, 
however  the  efforts  to  go  to  foreign  fields  were  not  successful,  and  the  position  in  Muntau  was  still 
vacant,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  to  return.  Tavonius  came  back  in  the  spring  of  1906, 
and  resumed  his 
work  with  vigour. 

The  total 
number  of  patients 
grew,  and  the 
medical  facilities 
were  soon  too 
small.  The  hospital 
was  remodelled  and 
enlarged,  to  have  a 
60  bed  capacity. 

The  small  nursing 
school  of  the 
hospital  was  also 
expanded  by  the 
establishment  of 
Morija  Deaconess 
Home,  which  was 
dedicated  in  1910. 

Dr.  Tavonius  was  one  of  the  founders  of  this  home,  and  then  was  involved  in  the  work  of  teaching 
in  the  home.  When  Morija  was  modified  to  be  a  medical  institute  in  the  1920s  he  continued  to 
carry  much  of  the  work  load. 

When  World  Weir  I  broke  out,  Tavonius  was  mobilized,  being  called  to  serve  in  the  spring 
of  1 9 1 5.  He  served  on  the  front  as  the  administrator  of  a  reserve  field  hospital.  He  suffered  a  riding 
accident,  and  having  a  serious  injury,  was  admitted  to  the  military  hospital  in  Zarskoye-Sselo. 
After  his  recovery  he  was  posted  to  a  hospital  in  Aschabad,  east  of  the  Caspian  Sea,  where  he 
served  until  he  was  discharged  in  the  summer  of  1 9 1 8 .  The  surgery  he  had  practiced  in  his  military 
stint  was  helpful,  but  the  heat  had  not  been  good  for  him.  He  had  some  heart  trouble  in  1905;  this 
combined  with  his  serious  injury  and  the  heat,  caused  his  health  to  deteriorate. 

Erich  came  back  to  Muntau  after  the  war  and  courageously  began  his  work  again.  The 
vicissitudes  of  civil  war,  epidemics  and  famine  did  not  leave  him  unscathed.  In  1920  he  himself 


138 


contracted  typhus,  but  “Thanks  to  God’s  Grace”  recovered,  although  the  sequels  of  a  weakened 
heart  and  a  nervous  tremor  remained.  He  was  able  to  continue  his  work  in  several  months,  while 
still  a  partial  invalid.  Despite  his  disability  the  work  load  increased  dramatically  over  the  next  few 
years.  He  took  only  short  holidays,  although  in  the  last  years  these  came  more  frequently,  since 
his  fatigue  due  to  chronic  insomnia  almost  overpowered  him. 

In  1 922  Tavonius  wrote  a  letter  enquiring  of  an  A.  A.  Friesen  about  the  medical  conditions 
requiring  special  attention  before  people  could  migrate  to  Canada,  presumably  so  he  could  help 
them.  He  also  made  a  personal  enquiry  about  the  possibility  of  his  own  migration  to  that  country. 

In  July  of  1923  he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Mennonitische  Rundschau  thanking  the  American 
Brethren  for  food  packages  that  had  arrived.  He  also  thanked  for  medical  supplies  -  many  patients 
were  arriving  at  the  hospital,  some  on  foot,  others  riding  on  cows  or  horses.  There  were  operations 
every  day;  the  nurses  were  working  hard.  It  was  expected  that  the  salaries  for  hospital  personnel 
would  be  paid  from  the  proceeds  of  a  crop  off  the  20  dessiatines  of  land  the  hospital  owned. 
Tavonius  hoped  that  the  supplies  of  chloroform,  ether  and  iodine  would  not  run  out! 

Also  in  1923  an  influenza  epidemic  included  Tavonius  among  its  victims.  He  recovered, 
but  the  disease  further  weakened  his  heart.  Since  the  work  itself  seemed  to  go  well  in  1 926  he  took 
a  holiday  in  the  Caucasus  to  regain  his  strength.  Unfortunately  it  was  not  successful,  so  he  planned 
another  holiday  for  Germany,  where  he  hoped  to  undergo  further  treatment,  combined  with  some 
additional  study  he  had  arranged  in  Zwickau.  He  was  filled  with  hopes  and  plans  for  the  future. 

But  his  duty  called  Tavonius  to  Melitopol,  and  with  the  unpredictable  spring  weather  he 
caught  a  cold.  He  finally  arrived  home  on  Good  Friday,1927,  an  ill  man.  He  improved  somewhat, 
the  fever  subsiding  by  Easter  Monday.  The  following  day  he  had  a  relapse,  likely  a  heart  attack, 
and  this  together  with  the  fever  was  too  much.  He  died  on  Friday,  April  29,  1927. 

Even  right  to  the  end  Tavonius  was  dedicated  to  his  work.  January  22,  1 927  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  the  Mennonitische  Rundschau  describing  the  nursing  school  that  still  functioned,  inviting 
young  ladies  to  register.  The  letter  was  published  June  8, 1 927,  more  than  a  month  after  his  death. 

In  his  personal  life  Erich  had  accepted  Christ  as  his  saviour  in  the  first  years  of  his 
activities  in  the  Molotschna.  It  was  his  desire  to  serve  the  Lord  with  his  life.  His  faith  was 
foundation  for  difficult  times,  and  helped  him  to  fulfill  his  very  responsible  position.  He  was  active 
in  the  life  of  the  Molotschna  Colony,  often  contributing  to  various  charities,  and  of  course  helping 
develop  the  medical  programs  and  facilities.  It  is  likely,  however,  that  he  never  actually  joined  a 
Mennonite  church,  possibly  fellowshipping  in  the  German  churches  of  the  Prischib  area. 

Erich  and  Margarethe  had  four  children,  all  daughters.  They  were  Ingeborg,  Karin  [who 
became  a  physician,  and  for  a  few  years  worked  at  the  Muntau  Hospital],  Sigried  and  Erika  [she 
also  became  a  physician,  and  later  worked  in  Filadelfia,  Paraguay].  The  murder  of  Margarethe’s 
parents  and  sister,  while  having  a  serious  effect  on  Erich,  undoubtedly  was  even  harder  on  her. 
After  the  birth  of  the  second  child,  Karin,  she  had  what  was  most  likely  post-partum  depression. 
This  was,  at  least  in  part,  the  reason  for  their  extended  leave  from  the  hospital  in  1904-1905. 
Margarethe  improved  for  a  time,  but  after  the  birth  of  the  fourth  child,  Erika,  in  1908,  her  mental 
instability  became  more  chronic.  She  was  taken  to  Mitau  [now  Jelgava,  Latvia],  where  she  was 
admitted  to  the  mental  hospital  Guentershof.  With  the  help  of  his  mother  and  sister,  Erich  raised 
the  four  daughters,  and  despite  difficulties,  they  turned  out  well. 

The  funeral  of  Erich  Tavonius  was  held  on  May  3, 1 927.  Thousands  of  people  came  from 
far  and  wide.  Before  the  body  was  taken  to  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church  Minister  Heinrich 
Harder  preached  a  sermon  on  the  grounds  of  the  Muntau  Hospital,  text  being  “Now,  how  will  I  be 
comforted?”  In  the  church,  beginning  at  10  AM,  visitors  were  allowed  one  last  look  at  their 
beloved  and  much  appreciated  doctor.  At  2  PM  the  funeral  began  on  the  church  yard,  there  being 
too  many  mourners  to  have  the  service  in  the  church  building.  Pastor  Hahn  of  Hochstaedt  spoke 


139 


on  the  text  “I  have  fought  the  good  fight”[2  Timothy  4:7],  followed  by  Elder  A.  Klassen  of 
Halbstadt,  who  spoke  on  “Blessed  are  the  dead.. .their  deeds  will  follow  them”  [Revelation  14: 13], 
then  Pastor  Theo  Kludt  with  text  “Blessed  by  God,  the  Father  of  your  Lord,  Jesus  Christ.”  There 
were  words  from  a  representative  of  the  1 Commission  fuer  Kirchenangelegenheiten  [KfK],  Minister 
Komelius  Martens  from  Grossweide.  His  text  was  “I  know  that  my  redeemer  lives”  [Job  19:25]. 
He  told  a  number  of  stories  from  the  life  of  the  deceased  and  wondered  “Who  will  now  be  the 
sunshine  full  of  love  which  will  visit  the  sick  each  morning?”  A  Russian  cleric  from  Tokmak 
described  how  many  tears  Tavonius  had  dried  up,  and  how  friendly  he  had  been  to  all  people. 
Three  times  Dr.  Tavonius  had  been  very  ill,  and  three  times  all  the  Russian  churches  and  even  the 
Jewish  synagogue  had  prayed  for  him.  God  had  heard  their  prayers.  This  time  they  had  not  known 
that  the  good  doctor  was  sick,  so  they  had  not  had  the  opportunity  to  pray!  Between  the  various 
sermons  and  comments  the  choir  sang  appropriate  songs. 

The  funeral  procession  then  went  back  toward  Muntau.  It  stopped  opposite  the  hospital, 
where  patients  came  out  to  pay  their  last  respects.  One  man,  the  last  to  have  been  operated  on  by 
Dr.  Tavonius,  spoke  so  movingly  that  no  eye  remained  dry.  Hospital  board  representatives,  friends 
and  colleagues  reminisced  about  the  life  of  the  deceased.  Dr.  Ketat,  who  had  worked  with  Erich 
for  many  years,  mentioned  that  in  27  years  he  had  done  well  over  10,000  operations  [slightly 
apocryphal?].  Yet  he  had  maintained  an  interest  in  scientific  developments  and  in  training  other 
medical  personnel. 

From  there  the  last  leg  of  the  journey  was  to  the  Muntau  cemetery,  where  Erich  Tavonius 
was  buried  up  on  a  hill.  “There  rests  his  body,”  remarked  a  friend  “but  the  memory  of  the  righteous 
remains  a  blessing.” 


Sources: 

Feature  Article,  Doktor  Erich  Tavonius ,  Unser  Blatt,  July  1927,  pp  307-311,  Biography, 
possibly  written  by  Komelius  Martens,  picture  of  the  grave  site  and  a  poem 
dedicated  to  Dr.  Tavonius 

Friesen,  A.  A.,  Personal  letter  to  Dr.  Tavonius,  3  November  1922 

Letter,  Dr.  Erich  A.  Tavonius,  Der  Bote,  10  April  1973,  pp  1,2,  sent  in  by  someone  who  had 
experienced  the  help  of  Dr.  Tavonius 

Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Heritage  Remembered,  CMBC  Publications,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1974,  p  79 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  1  June  1927,  p  2 

News  Report,  Dr.  med..  E.  Tavonius  1872-1927,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  25  June  1958,  p  1 1 

Tavonius,  Erich,  Personal  letter  to  A.  A.  Friesen,  19  June  1922 

Tavonius,  Erich,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  19  September  1923,  p  10 

Tavonius,  Erich,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  8  June  1927  pp  5,  8 

Thiessen,  Heinrich,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  6  May  1903,  p  9 


140 


WALTER  L.  JACK 
[1878-  1939] 

Guest  Speaker  at  the  Morija  Dedication 

Walter  Jack  was  bom  in  Magdeburg,  Germany,  on  August  15,  1878.  The  family  soon 
thereafter  moved  to  nearby  Halberstadt,  where  he  lived  most  of  his  childhood.  He  must  have 
completed  the  usual  undergraduate  schooling,  then  likely  entered  university,  where  as  a  young 
student  he  lived  totally  in  the  spirit  of  liberal  theology.  He  attended  a  fellowship  conference  in 
Wemigerode  am  Harz,  where  he  met  an  old  friend,  D.  Lange.  This  man  was  used  by  God  to  bring 
Walter  to  Christ,  a  decision  he  never  doubted  in  later  life.  For  several  years  he  was  a  teacher  in  the 
school  of  Pastor  Jellinghaus  in  Lichtrode,  and  was  there  when  he  received  a  call  to  Russia  in  1906. 

The  Deutsche  Orient  Mission  was  founded  in  1 897  by  Pastor  Dr.  Johannes  Lepsius.  Under 
the  auspices  of  this  small  mission  Walter  Jack,  the  Reformed  theologian,  was  asked  to  start  a 
seminary  in  Astrakhan.  He  was  also  to  work  with  the  evangelical  groups  among  the  Russian 
Molokans.  Some  of  the  Molokan  villages  and  estates  were  near  the  Molotschna  Mennonite  Colony. 
Jack  participated  in  two  conferences  in  St.  Petersburg  in  1907,  as  well  as  an  additional  conference 
of  Lutheran  representatives. 

The  proximity  of  some  of  his  activities  to  the 
Molotschna  led  to  acquaintances  among  the  Mennonites, 
one  of  them  being  Jakob  Kroeker,  Mennonite  Brethren 
minister  and  publisher.  In  1 908  God  gave  Walter  a  wife, 
likely  a  Mennonite,  and  a  relative  of  Jakob  Kroeker.  She 
went  through  all  the  trials  and  tribulations  with  Walter,  but 
also  shared  his  joys.  Of  their  four  children  a  boy  died  at 
the  age  of  one  year,  leaving  a  long  lasting  sorrow. 
Probably  through  his  friendship  with  Jakob  Kroeker  he  was 
invited  to  be  the  principal  guest  speaker  at  the  dedication 
of  the  Morija  Deaconess  Home,  on  May  23, 1910.  He  used 
the  partaking  of  Christ’s  blood  and  flesh  at  communion  as 
an  encouragement  to  serve  God  through  helping  the  fellow 
man. 

When  the  Astrakhan  seminary  closed  in  1 9 1 1  Jack 
stayed  in  Russia,  and  together  with  Jakob  Kroeker  and 
others  established  a  tent  mission  among  the  Russian 
population. 

In  1914,  with  the  outbreak  of  World  War  I,  Jack 
and  his  family  were  interned  [ verbannt ].  In  July  of  1918, 
after  the  collapse  of  the  front  in  the  east,  they  came  out  of 
Russian  banishment,  and  went  home  to  Halberstadt.  He 
was  drafted  as  a  divisional  chaplain  until  the  end  of  the  war,  after  which  he  returned  in  1919. 

Jack  and  Jakob  Kroeker  still  had  an  interest  in  witnessing  to  the  Russian  people. 
Immediately  after  the  war  the  best  way  to  do  this  seemed  to  be  to  do  evangelistic  work  among 
Russian  prisoners  of  war  in  Germany.  The  two  of  them  established  a  mission  named  Licht  im  Osten 
[Light  in  the  East],  based  in  Wemigerode  am  Harz.  To  accomplish  their  goal  they  distributed 
Russian  New  Testaments  and  other  literature  in  the  camps.  With  excellent  response,  and  the 
concern  that  prisoners  were  to  return  to  Russia  without  Bibles,  they  established  a  Bible  school  and 


Walter  L.  Jack  [1878  -  1939] 


141 


wrote  correspondence  courses.  In  1920  they  also  began  a  publication  Dein  Reich  Komme  [Your 
Kingdom  Come],  which  is  still  being  printed  [1999].  Apparently  there  were  about  2,000  converts 
among  the  returning  Russian  prisoners  of  war. 

This  mission  and  its  various  activities  were  the  focus  of  Walter  Jack  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 
He  tried  to  interest  groups  in  the  ministry  within  the  Soviet  Union,  and  worked  closely  with 
organizations  such  as  the  Swedish  “Society  for  the  Spreading  of  the  Gospel  in  Russia.”  He 
travelled  far  and  wide,  both  to  encourage  missions  and  to  minister  to  groups  of  believers.  It  is 
mentioned  that  he  often  preached  in  Switzerland,  and  attended  a  number  of  conferences  in  Poland. 
He  was  a  prolific  writer,  especially  for  Dein  Reich  Komme,  often  describing  various  aspects  of 
church  life  in  the  Soviet  Union.  “The  Evangelical  Movement  in  Russia  in  the  Eyes  of  its 
Opponents’ll  928]  and  “On  the  Religious  Situation  in  Russia”[1929]  are  examples  of  his  articles. 

Walter  Jack  and  Jakob  Kroeker  seem  to  have  worked  together  well  -  Walter  as  Missions 
Inspector  with  particular  interest  in  Russia,  and  Jakob  as  Director.  They  did  not  attempt  to 
establish  churches  or  to  align  themselves  with  a  specific  denomination  [although  Jack  was  a 
Reformed  Pfarrer,  Kroeker  a  Mennonite  Brethren  minister,  and  many  of  their  other  co-workers 
Lutherans],  They  did  help  churches  as  the  needs  arose  and  were  involved  with  the  founding  of  a 
Russian  seminary.  Their  personal  motto  and  the  motto  of  the  mission  was  “But  we  do  not  preach 
ourselves,  but  Christ” [a  loose  quotation,  likely  from  1  Corinthians  2:1]. 

Both  Jack  and  Kroeker  participated  in  many  conferences,  church  services  and  seminars. 
Through  their  contacts  they  were,  at  a  convention  held  in  Warsaw  in  1937,  asked  to  be  on  the 
executive  ofthe  Band der  Evangeliums christen  [Society  ofEvangelical  Christians],  Jack  to  be  vice- 
president,  Kroeker  president.  Both  declined  the  offer.  Jack  was  then  named  Honorary  President 
of  the  society  to  recognize  the  participation  and  love  he  had  shown. 

Jack  as  a  young  man  was  strong  and  healthy.  With  the  passage  of  years,  however,  he 
suffered  from  heart  disease.  He  had  completed  an  extensive  trip  to  Bulgaria  when  his  condition 
became  more  serious.  Walter  Jack  died  suddenly  the  night  of  January  6-7,  1939.  To  the  end  he 
had  been  full  of  hopes  and  plans  for  the  future,  yet  he  wanted  to  be  wholly  within  the  will  of  God. 

The  funeral  was  held  on  January  10,  1939  at  3  PM  in  the  Liebfrauenkirche,  Burgstrasse, 
Wemigerode.  The  coffin  was  placed  in  front  of  the  altar  of  the  church,  surrounded  by  flowers 
which  had  been  sent  by  his  many  friends.  Pastor  Hans  Brandenburg  of  Berlin-Lichtenrade,  as  one 
of  the  senior  mission  board  members,  presided  over  the  service,  and  a  Russian  Evangelistic  choir 
sang.  Jack’s  wife  had  died  in  1 926,  so  relatives  at  the  funeral  were  his  sister  and  surviving  children. 
Jakob  Kroeker  addressed  the  congregation  as  did  representatives  from  a  number  of  mission 
organizations.  Pastor  Brandenburg  closed  the  service  at  the  church  with  prayer  and  a  blessing.  The 
body  was  then  taken  to  the  cemetery,  where  Walter  was  buried  beside  his  wife. 

After  completion  of  the  ceremonies  the  “mission  family”  and  other  guests  gathered  at  the 
mission  Erholungsheim  [rest  home],  where  the  large  number  of  letters  and  telegrams  were  read. 
There  was  a  message  from  Prince  Bemadotte  of  Sweden,  thanking  the  Lord  for  everything  that 
Pastor  Jack  had  accomplished  in  the  Kingdom  of  God.  Superintendent  Gensichen,  representing  the 
city  of  Wemigerode,  bemoaned  his  loss.  Dr.  Zoeckler  of  Stanislovov,  Poland,  felt  the  loss  deeply, 
as  did  A.  L.  Haig  of  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  based  in  Prague.  Pfarrer  D.  E.  Staehelin 
of  Basel,  Switzerland  stated  that  both  he  and  his  wife  were  deeply  moved,  and  that  the  wanderer 
would  now  behold  the  face  of  the  Lord  whom  he  had  served.  Professor  Dr.  Benjamin  Unruh  of 
Karlsruhe  sent  his  condolences  to  both  the  Mission  and  the  family. 

The  work  of  the  Mission  had  to  carry  on,  so  Joachim  Mueller  was  appointed  Mission 
Inspector  of  the  Russian  section.  His  helper  was  to  be  Jakob  Dyck,  who  for  years  had  been  Walter 
Jack’s  secretary  and  coordinator. 


142 


Sources: 

Kroeker,  Jakob,  Zum  heimgang  unsers  Missions-Inspectors  Pastor  W.  L.  Jack,  Dein  Reich 
Komrae,  February  1939,  pp  17-36 

News  item,  Einweihung  des  Diakonessenheims  Morija,  Friedensstimme,  5  June  1910,  pp  3,  4 

Sawatsky,  Walter,  Soviet  Evangelicals  Since  World  War  II,  Herald  Press,  Kitchener,  Canada, 
Scottdale,  USA,  1981,  pp  38,  395 

Schwarzkopf,  C.,  Bei  den  Bruedern  in  Bulgarien,  Dein  Reich  Kormne,  February  1939, 
pp  36-39 

Wardin,  Albert  W.,  Evangelical  Sectarianism  in  the  Russian  Empire  and  the  USSR:  A 
Bibliographic  Guide,  The  American  Theological  Library  Association  and  The 
Scarecrow  Press,  Inc.,  Lanham.  USA,  and  London,  1995 


143 


21.  THE  FLOOD  OF  1912 


There  had  been  floods  in  the  Halbstadt  region  of  the  Molotschna  Colony  on  a 
number  of  occasions,  notably  1 893  and  1909,  but  the  flood  of  1912  was  the  worst  in  living 
memory.  The  winter  of  191 1  to  1912  was  relatively  mild,  with  very  changeable  weather. 
There  were  four  heavy  snowfalls  followed  by  warm  temperatures  and  considerable  melting. 
Because  of  the  variation  in  temperature  the  ground  became  frozen;  with  a  sudden  melt  the 
water  could  not  soak  into  the  ground,  but  had  to  run  off. 

There  was  heavy  snowfall  for  several  weeks,  then  again  warm  temperatures  on 
February  24-26,  1912.  This  caused  rapid  melting  and  widespread  flooding  of  the 
Molochnaya  River  and  its  tributaries,  especially  the  Tokmak  and  the  Begim-Tschokrak 
Rivers. 

Flooding  was  recorded  well  up  the  Tokmak  River  at  Klippenfeld.  The  houses  and 
bams  were  not  inundated  because  they  were  on  higher  ground,  but  the  low  lying  gardens 
towards  the  river  were.  Agnes  Thiessen  [Fast],  five  years  old  at  the  time,  recalls  that  just 
the  tips  of  some  of  the  trees  showed  above  the  water.  She  was  terrified  by  the  loud 
crunches  of  ice  flows  colliding.  Two  wooden  bridges  in  the  village  were  swept  away. 

After  a  few  days  the  Fast  family  travelled  downstream  to  see  what  had  happened  to 
their  relatives  in  Liebenau.  Chairs  and  dead  cats  were  strewn  on  the  street.  Heinrich  and 
Lena  Fast,  uncle  and  aunt  of  Agnes,  had  been  sleeping  peacefully  when  their  small  child, 
Lena,  had  cried.  The  aunt,  getting  up  to  tend  Lena,  had  stepped  into  water.  She  woke  her 
husband,  who  discovered  that  there  was  water  in  the  whole  house.  When  he  opened  the 
door  to  see  what  was  going  on  outside  he  was  unable  to  close  it  again  because  of  the  rush 
of  water.  The  whole  family  climbed  up  to  the  loft  for  safety.  Several  days  later  the  children 
were  still  upset  because  they  had  lost  some  toys  and  dolls  in  the  flood. 

Heinrich  Gaede  also  reported  about  Liebenau,  perhaps  the  hardest  hit  Mennonite 
village.  The  water  of  the  Tokmak  River  rose  very  rapidly,  possibly  due  to  ice  jams.  There 
was  soon  a  fast  flowing  stream  down  the  main  street  of  the  village  carrying  straw,  wood, 
and  ice  flows  up  to  2 1  inches  thick. 

Heinrich  and  his  family  were  trying  to  secure  the  house  and  bam  from  rising  waters 
when  he  heard  shouts  coming  from  the  street.  A  man  was  standing  on  his  buggy  calling  for 
help.  His  driver  had  cut  the  horses  loose  and  escaped  himself,  leaving  the  man  stranded  on 
his  vehicle.  He  now  demanded  that  Heinrich  bring  him  a  horse.  Heinrich  shouted  back  that 
it  would  be  impossible  to  get  a  horse  from  the  bam,  and  besides,  they  were  already  all  wet, 
so  he  himself  would  also  have  to  get  into  the  water.  The  stream  pushed  the  buggy  close  to 
the  fence,  so  the  man  jumped  into  the  water  and  escaped  to  Gaede’s  house.  Heinrich  told 
him  “You  have  come  to  our  house  to  be  rescued,  while  we  ourselves  are  planning  to  leave!” 
“No,”  the  man  replied,  “  I  am  staying  here!”  He  was  given  dry  clothing,  and  the  family 
continued  to  dam  off  the  doors  of  their  home. 

A  friend  of  the  Gaedes,  Abram  Kroeker  of  Wemersdorf,  managed  to  reach  the  yard 
through  the  garden,  where  the  flood  stream  was  not  so  strong.  He  rescued  four  of  their 
youngest  children  on  his  wagon.  Heinrich,  in  the  meantime,  had  decided  to  stay  on  his  farm 
as  long  as  possible  in  an  attempt  to  save  his  cattle  and  horses.  The  water  reached  the  back 
shed,  but  had  not  flooded  the  main  house  when  he  noted  that  it  was  no  longer  rising.  By 


144 


evening  the  crest  had  been  reached,  and  the  water  level  was  falling. 

Some  of  the  immediate  neighbours  of  the  Gaedes  had  evacuated  or  were  sleeping 
up  in  the  attics.  The  eastern  end  of  the  village  must  have  been  lower,  since  the  flooding 
there  was  more  severe.  The  house  of  Gerhard  Doerksen  [No.  2]  was  flooded  to  the 
windows,  and  subsequently  collapsed.  The  shop  of  Martin  Hiebert  [No.  3]  was  also  ruined. 
Jakob  Neufeld’s  house  [No.  4]  caved  in  due  to  damage  and  was  later  replaced  by  a  new 
home,  this  time  built  on  a  high  foundation.  No.  5,  flooded  to  the  windows,  also  collapsed. 

Farther  downstream  flooding  and  subsequent  damage  was  very  severe  in  the 
Ukrainian  town  of  Tokmak.  A  large  wooden  bridge  was  destroyed  by  the  ice  and  pushed 
against  a  more  sturdy  stone  bridge.  About  200  houses  were  flooded  and  collapsed,  with 
considerable  damage  to  many  more.  The  police  asked  a  Jewish  couple  to  evacuate  their 
home,  but  the  husband  was  afraid  to 
have  his  very  ill  wife  moved,  the 
cool  air  might  hurt  her.  When  the 
water  poured  into  the  windows  it 
was  difficult  to  reach  the  house,  and 
by  the  time  rescuers  arrived,  the 
lady  had  died. 

In  Halbstadt,  on  the 
Molochnaya  River,  many 
basements  were  flooded,  and  at 
least  one  house  collapsed.  This 
house  was  noted  to  be  constructed 
of  fired  bricks;  they  must  have  been 
a  construction  material  prone  to 
disintegration  with  flooding.  Two 


telegraph  poles  were  knocked  down 
by  the  ice,  tearing  the  wires.  It  was 
dangerous  to  travel  across  the  river  to 
Prischib  not  only  because  of  the  high 
level  of  the  water,  but  because  of  the 
strength  of  the  raging  current.  Travel 
was  disrupted  sufficiently  to  make  it 
impossible  to  deliver  the  mail  on 
February  27. 

Other  tributaries  of  the 
Molochnaya  River,  such  as  the 
Begim-Tschokrak,  also  flooded.  At 
Waldheim,  well  up  the  stream, 
considerable  damage  was  reported. 
The  river  overflowed  its  system  of 
dikes,  and  forced  at  least  one  family  to  evacuate;  many  orchards  were  extensively  damaged. 
While  there  was  fairly  widespread  destruction  in  the  northern  Molotschna,  one 


Flooding  in  Halbstadt,  likely  in  1912.  At  the 
left  is  the  residence  of  Benjamin  Unruh 


Flooding  in  Halbstadt,  likely  in  1912 


145 


village  saw  the  possible  bright  side  of  the  flood.  At  Fischau,  downstream  from  Halbstadt 
on  the  Molochnaya  River,  there  was  also  flooding,  but  obviously  quite  limited.  It  was 
reported  that  the  inundation  of  the  lowlands  would  ensure  that  there  would  be  a  good  crop 
of  hay  for  that  year! 


Sources: 

Bergmann,  Peter  and  Helena,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  15  May  1912,  pp  14,  15 
Gaede,  Heinrich  and  K.,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  22  May  1912,  pp  15,  16 
Harder,  Jakob  Johann,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  22  May  1912,  p  15 
Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  p  360 

Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Heritage  Remembered,  CMBC  Publications,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1974,  p  53. 

Lohrenz  has  labelled  the  flood  pictures  as  1 9 1 5 .  News  reports  from  the  Molotschna  during 
that  time  record  only  mild  weather  with  very  little  snow.  There  is  absolutely  no 
mention  of  a  flood.  We  are  presuming  the  pictures  are  actually  from  1912. 

Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  p  34 

News  Reports,  Friedensstimme,  29  February  1912  p  9;  7  March  1912,  p  4;  14  March  1912,  p  9 
Thiessen,  Agnes,  Personal  Letter,  29  October  1 998 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Northwestern  Molotschna  Colony... the  flood  of  1912 


146 


147 


22.  DEDICATION  OF  RESERVISTS 
SEPTEMBER  1, 1914 

Dates  in  this  article  are  according  to  the  Julian, or  Old 
Calendar;  war  was  therefore  declared  on  July  16,  1914 

Following  the  defeats  in  the  Crimean  War,  the  Russian  government  felt  that 
revamping  of  the  military  structure  was  necessary.  As  a  result  universal  conscription 
eventually  became  a  law  in  1 874.  Mennonites,  fearing  that  their  principle  of  non-resistance 
was  being  compromised,  negotiated  an  agreement  on  September  19,  1880,  whereby  young 
men  could  serve  their  military  time  in  forestry  camps  [Forstei].  The  usual  complement  of 
about  1 ,000  men  was  chosen  by  lot,  to  serve  four  years.  Initially  there  were  six,  then  eight, 
and  just  before  World  War  I  a  total  of  eleven  camps. 

With  the  outbreak  of  World  War  I  the  alternate  services  were  expanded  to  include 
medical  orderly  [ Sanitaetsdienst ],  road  building,  additional  forestry  duties  and  other 
services.  Initially  volunteers  were  called  for,  and  Mennonites  responded.  Elder  Heinrich 
Unruh  of  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church,  for  example,  encouraged  men  to  join  up.  He 
wrote  “Go  with  God,  wherever  duty  will  call  you,  and  spend  all  your  energy,  and  if  called 
upon,  your  life,  in  this  holy  service.”  By  August  19,  1914  over  400  young  men  had 
volunteered  as  medical  orderlies,  of  which  190  came  from  the  Chortitza  region,  and  130 
from  the  Halbstadt  and  Gnadenfeld  districts. 

On  August  24  a  group  of  29,  including  five  trained  nurses,  left  Halbstadt  for 
Simferopol.  Prior  to  departure  they  participated  in  a  service  of  dedication  in  the  Mennonite 
church.  Teacher  Benjamin  Unruh  and  Elder  Heinrich  Unruh  delivered  sermons 
admonishing  those  departing  to  cling  to  the  everlasting  rock,  Jesus  Christ.  In  reporting  the 
event  the  editors  of  Friedensstimme  sent  them  off  with  “With  God  for  Czar  and  the 
Fatherland.” 

August  25,  obviously  before  this  group  of  29  had  reached  its  destination,  a  letter 
was  sent  from  Simferopol.  On  station  there  were  already  51  Mennonite  medical  orderlies 
and  five  nurses  from  the  Muntau  Hospital.  They  were  preparing  the  local  hospital  to  receive 
three  to  four  hundred  casualties  in  the  next  few  days.  Conditions  were  good,  there  was 
plenty  of  food,  with  five  meals  a  day. 

Also  on  August  25  a  telegram  was  received,  certainly  in  Halbstadt  and  presumably 
in  all  volost  headquarters,  that  a  universal  draft  was  to  be  implemented.  All  reservists  bom 
1 896  or  earlier  [up  to  the  age  of  43],  were  to  report  to  Ekaterinoslav  by  September  2.  Those 
from  the  Halbstadt  Volost  were  to  collect  in  Halbstadt  on  September  1,  those  from  the 
Gnadenfeld  Volost  in  Gnadenfeld,  the  others  were  to  travel  directly  to  Ekaterinoslav. 

*  *  * 

Word  was  received  that  a  train  of  empty  fourth  class  coaches  would  pick  up  the 
Mennonite  reservists  on  September  1 ,  and  would  arrive  at  the  railroad  station  at  8  AM.  At 
6:45  AM  that  morning,  on  the  yard  of  the  Mennonite  Church  at  Halbstadt  [the  building 
itself  could  not  have  accommodated  all  the  participants]  a  farewell  dedication  service  was 


148 


held.  Minister  Heinrich  Braun  [Mennonite  Brethren]  used  the  passage  Acts  20:32  as  text 
for  his  sermon.  It  reads  “Now  I  commit  you  to  God  and  to  the  word  of  his  grace.”  Elder 
Heinrich  Unruh  [Mennonite  Church]  spoke  on  Romans  12:12  “Be  joyful  in  hope,  patient 
in  affliction,  faithful  in  prayer.”  He  especially  emphasized  the  need  for  persistent  prayer. 
The  closing  song,  Jesu  geh  voran,  [Jesus  Guide  Our  Way]  provided  a  gripping  and  awe 
inspiring  atmosphere.  After  the  blessing  was  pronounced  the  national  anthem  was  sung. 

Then  everyone  headed  for  the  train  station,  with  automobile,  wagon  or  on  foot;  it 
was  estimated  that  there  were  several  hundred  vehicles  present.  Many  a  quiet  tear  was  shed, 
mostly  by  those  being  left  behind.  There  was  no  loud  weeping,  likely  because  of  the 
consciousness  that  it  was  necessary  to  serve  the  Fatherland  in  its  great  hour  of  need. 

Similar  farewells  were  being  said  at  Gnadenfeld  with  a  322  man  contingent  leaving 
Waldheim  [Stulnevo]  early  in  the  morning.  When  the  train  pulled  into  Halbstadt,  the  eleven 
cars  of  Gnadenfeld  reservists  were  joined  by  those  from  Halbstadt,  the  total  of  700  to  800 
men  then  heading  north  to  Ekaterinoslav.  On  September  2  most  of  these  reservists  were 
assigned  to  be  medical  orderlies. 

*  *  * 


By  March  1,1915a  total  of  3,093  Mennonites  were  serving  as  medical  orderlies, 
increasing  to  6,548  by  1916.  Service  in  the  medical  corp  was  often  well  behind  the  front, 
but  sometimes  involved  battle  fields,  so  there  were  injuries  and  deaths,  as  well  as  diseases 
such  as  typhus.  Casualties  [deaths]  numbered  about  125.  In  all  about  14,000  Mennonite 
men  were  mobilized,  of  which  7,000  were  medical  orderlies,  a  few  hundred  built  roads,  and 
the  majority  of  the  others  served  in  forestry  camps.  Women  were  not  actively  conscripted, 
but  a  number  of  nurses  from  the  Mennonite  hospitals  participated  in  medical  care  of  the 
wounded. 

Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  229-233 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  59,  136, 137 
News  Report,  Kriegserklaerung,  Friedensstinune,  23  July  1914,  p  4 
News  Report,  Aufruf  Friedensstinune,  23  July  1914,  p  7 
News  Report,  Friedensstinune,  9  August  1914,  p  6 
News  Report,  Friedensstinune,  13  August  1914,  p  6 
News  Report,  Friedensstinune,  27  August  1914,  p  5 

News  Report,  Abfahrt  mennonitischer  Reservisten  von  Halbstadt,  Friedensstinune, 

3  September  1914,  p  5 

News  Report,  Von  unsern  Sanitaetern,  Friedensstinune,  3  September  1914,  p  5 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  18  November  1914,  p  13 
Unruh,  Elder  H.  Mennonitische  Reservisten  und  Ratniki!,  Friedensstinune,  16  August  1914, 
Beilage,  p  9 

Background  Information: 

Elder  Heinrich  Peter  Unruh 

Heinrich  Jakob  Braun  [see  Bible  Conference  in  Halbstadt] 


149 


HEINRICH  PETER  UNRUH 

[1845-1928] 

One  of  the  Speakers  at  the  Dedication  of  the 
Reservists,  September  1,  1914 

Heinrich  Peter  Unruh  was  bom  on  March  23, 1 845  in  Alexanderwohl,  Molotschna  Colony. 
He  was  the  eldest  of  the  seven  children  of  Peter  and  Sara  [Schroeder]  Unruh.  The  family  moved 
a  few  verst  to  the  newly  established  village  ofNikolaidorf,  likely  in  1851.  In  school  Heinrich  had 
excellent  teachers,  H.  Richert  and  J.  Toews,  but  mostly  he  was  a  self  taught  man.  He  mastered 
German  through  the  use  of  a  grammar  book  he  had  purchased  himself.  A  Russian  grammar  book 
he  received  as  a  gift  from  his  former  teacher,  J.  Toews,  helped  him  to  gain  a  good  grasp  of  Russian. 
He  learned  theology  on  his  own  and  acquired  a  wide  range  of  other  knowledge. 

At  a  young  age  Heinrich  was  appointed  teacher  in  Mariawohl,  a  village  near  Gnadenfeld 
in  the  Molotschna  Colony.  Then,  when  he  was  26,  he  was  elected  minister  by  his  church,  the 
Neukirch  congregation.  Elder  Johann  Harder  presided  at  his  ordination.  Heinrich  was  known  for 
his  thought  provoking,  yet  calm,  warm  and  elegant  sermons. 

Heinrich  was  married  twice;  his  first  wife,  Helena  Loewen,  died  in  1885.  He  then  married 
Maria  Loewen.  Members  of  the  Unruh  family,  including  Heinrich’s  parents  and  four  siblings 
[Peter,  Anna,  David  and  Katharina]  had  emigrated  to  Kansas  in  1874.  In  1885,  probably  after  the 
death  of  his  first  wife,  he  went  on  an  extended  trip  to  the  United  States  to  visit  his  family. 

After  his  remarriage,  Heinrich  and  his  new  wife  Maria  moved  to  Muntau,  near  Halbstadt. 
At  that  time  he  became  leader  of  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite 
Church.  In  1896  the  Halbstadt  affiliate  of  the  larger  Ohrloff 
congregation  voted  for  independence,  and  also  elected  Heinrich 
as  elder.  Elder  Heinrich  Dirks  of  Gnadenfeld  organized  the 
election,  and  carried  out  the  installation  service  several  weeks 
later.  Throughout  his  term  as  elder  Heinrich  Unruh  was  known 
for  his  attitude  of  servanthood;  he  applied  Christian  principles  of 
operation  to  the  function  of  the  church. 

Heinrich  not  only  served  his  own  congregation,  but  also 
the  wider  Mennonite  community.  He  was  chairman  of  the  board 
of  the  nursing  school  Morijcv,  he  was  on  the  Molotschna  School 
Board  [Schulrat],  which  supervised  the  teaching  of  German  and 
religion  in  the  schools,  serving  for  3 1  years.  He  was  chairman  of 
the  Molotschna  Church  Conference  for  many  years.  He,  together 
with  Heinrich  Braun,  conducted  an  open  air  farewell  service  for 
departing  reservists  on  September  1,  1914.  Heinrich  referred  to 
Romans  12:12  “Be  joyful  in  hope,  patient  in  affliction,  faithful  in  prayer.”  He  also  participated  in 
delegations  that  travelled  to  St.  Petersburg  to  make  presentations  to  government  officials,  and  even 
had  an  audience  with  the  Czar. 

In  1916  Heinrich  retired  as  elder  of  the  Halbstadt  congregation  because  of  poor  health. 
Soon  thereafter  he  suffered  a  stroke  which  made  him  an  invalid  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  This  did  not 
spare  him  mistreatment  at  the  hands  of  Makhno  terrorists,  who  threw  rotten  apples  into  his  face  and 
pulled  his  beard,  mockingly  calling  him  a  “German  Archbishop.” 

After  several  days  of  increasing  fever  and  periods  of  shaking,  Heinrich  Unruh  died  at  4  AM 
on  November  4,  1 928.  He  was  83  years  and  seven  months  of  age. 


■  r'  \ 


Heinrich  Unruh  [1845-1928] 


150 


The  funeral  was  held  on  November  6,  at  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church.  Elder  Abraham 
Klassen,  who  had  followed  Unruh  as  elder  of  the  congregation,  delivered  the  funeral  oration.  He 
used  the  words  of  Simeon  found  in  Luke  2:29  to  express  his  sentiments  “...you  now  dismiss  your 
servant  in  peace.”  He  described  Heinrich  as  a  human  being,  as  a  Christian,  and  as  someone  who 
had  suffered.  L.  Harder,  daughter  of  the  famous  poet  Bernhard  Harder,  dedicated  a  poem  to 
Heinrich. 

Four  of  the  Unruh  children  had  left  Russia  for  Canada  in  1924.  Heinrich’s  widow  Maria 
and  some  of  the  other  children  tried  to  emigrate  from  Russia  in  1 929,  but  were  forcibly  deported 
to  central  Asia. 


Sources: 

Friesen,  P.  M.,  pp  530,  541,  659 

Goerz,  Heinrich,  Die  Molotschnaer  Ansiedlung,  Echo-Verlag,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1950U951 
pp  136,  137 

Hiebert,  Clarence,  Brothers  in  Deed  to  Brothers  in  Need,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA, 
1974,  p  170 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  29,  230 
Janz,  H.  B.,  Letter,  Der  Bote,  29  November  1928,  p  1 
Letter  from  daughter  of  H.  Unruh,  Der  Bote,  13  December  1928,  p  2 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  p  34 
News  Report,  Friedensstimme,  3  September  1914,  p  5 

It  should  be  noted  that  in  some  of  the  indexes  all  references  to  “Heinrich  Unruh”  are  lumped 
together,  or  attributed  to  the  wrong  person.  There  were  at  least  three  church  leaders  by  that  name 
active  at  roughly  the  same  time,  Elder  Heinrich  Peter  Unruh  of  the  Halbstadt  Mennonite  Church, 
Heinrich  Unruh  of  the  Kuban,  and  Missionary  Heinrich  Heinrich  Unruh. 


151 


23.  CHRONOLOGY  OF  EVENTS 
FEBRUARY  1917  -  MARCH  1919 


Prelude  of  events  leading  up  to  March  11, 1919 

February,  1917  Overthrow  of  Czar  Nicholas  II 

Provisional  government  established  by  Kerensky,  which 
promised  to  broaden  freedoms  of  minority  groups 

June  6-8,  1917  All-Mennonite  Conference  held  at  Neu-Halbstadt 

Passed  resolutions  to  undergird  Mennonite  schools,  welfare 
institutions,  inner  life  of  the  church 

August,  1917  All-Mennonite  Congress  in  Ohrloff,  outlining  civil  side  of 

Mennonite  life:  minority  legal  status,  Mennonite  press, 
land  redistribution 

October  25,  1917  Revolution  bringing  Bolsheviks  to  power 

Early  1918  Halbstadt  and  Gnadenfeld  Volosts  came  under  control  of 

local  Soviet 

February  5,  1918  Red  Army  troops  reached  Halbstadt,  beginning  the  “Halbstadt 

Days  of  Terror.”  Requisitioning,  robbing,  some  murders 
by  the  roving  bands  of  soldiers 

March  3,  1918  Treaty  of  Brest-Litovsk  signed,  allowing  Austro-German 

occupation  of  Ukraine 

April  19,  1918  Occupation  of  Halbstadt  by  German  troops.  Mennonites 

welcomed  them  cordially.  Traditional  volost 
government  re-established. 

Molotschna  part  of  independent  Ukraine 

May,  1918  German  military  parades,  drills,  Ludendorf  festivals  started  to 

attract  Mennonite  youth 

Selbstschutz,  consisting  of  armed,  para-military  units 
organized  in  Halbstadt,  Gnadenfeld,  Tiege,  Tiegenhagen. 
Military  drills  held  throughout  the  summer 

June,  1918  Recovery  of  some  of  the  previously  requisitioned  property, 

sometimes  by  force 

A  few  executions  of  previous  oppressors 


152 


June  30  -  July  2, 
1918 

Summer  1918 

October  1918 
November  1918 

Late  1918 


Early  1919 

March  6  -  10,  1919 

March  8,  1919 

March  11,  1919 


All-Mennonite  Conference  in  Lichtenau,  Molotschna. 

Issue  of  Selbstschutz  sidestepped  by  upholding  the 
Mennonite  belief  in  non-resistance,  but  recommending 
tolerance  for  those  not  sharing  this  view.  Argument  for 
needing  protection,  especially  against  violence  and 
rapine  of  Makhno  bandits 

More  active  Selbstschutz  with  German  withdrawal  imminent 
Some  intimidation  against  those  who  disagreed 
Four  Molotschna  villages  refused  to  set  up  units 

Early  Makhno  attacks 

German  troops  evacuated.  Formal  agreement  establishing 

the  Selbstschutz  signed  between  contingent  leaders  of 
Halbstadt,  Gnadenfeld  and  Prischib.  Total  force  of 
about  2,700  infantry  and  300  cavalry.  Leadership 
mainly  from  a  few  remaining  German  officers 

Makhno’s  banditry  increasing.  Irregular  Red  Army  units  in 

the  area.  White  Army  under  General  Denikin  advanced 
and  occupied  the  Halbstadt  and  Gnadenfeld  volosts. 
Whites  attempted  to  incorporate  the  Selbstschutz.  They 
collaborated  in  two  battles,  one  south  of  Gnadenfeld, 
the  other  the  occupation  of  Chemigovka  on  the  week-end 
of  December  5.  Selbstschutz  insisted  on  its  defensive  role 

White  Army  retreated  southward.  The  Selbstschutz  tried  to  stem 
the  tide  against  Makhno.  Red  Army  headed  southward 
on  the  heels  of  the  retreating  Whites.  Makhno  joined 
them.  First  skirmishes  north  of  Molotschna  on  March  2 

Final  battle  north  of  the  Molotschna,  Selbstschutz  against  the 
combined  Red  Army  and  Makhno.  Very  little  strategic 
planning.  Said  to  have  “hundreds  of  enemy  dead”  and 
light  Selbstschutz  casualties.  Selbstschutz  front  collapsed. 
Many  Selbstschutz  members  fled  south  to  the  Crimea 
the  night  of  March  9-10 

Heinz  von  Homeyer,  a  German  officer,  appointed  commander  of 
the  Selbstschutz  two  days  before  it  collapsed 

Red  Army  troops  invade  Gnadenfeld 


153 


GNADENFELD  MERCY 
MARCH  11, 1919 


While  sustaining  heavy  casualties,  perhaps  up  to  760  men,  the  combined  might  of 
the  Red  Army,  Thirty-third  Division  under  General  Dobenko  and  the  Makhno  bandits 
prevailed  over  the  Selbstschutz.  In  a  battle  north  of  the  Molotschna  on  March  6-10,  1919, 
the  Selbstschutz  front  eventually  collapsed,  with  many  of  its  members  escaping  south  to  the 
Crimea  the  night  of  March  9-10. 

The  Red  Army  troops  swooped  southward  into  the  Molotschna  and  into  Gnadenfeld. 
The  terrifying  sound  of  artillery  fire  came  from  all  sides.  General  Dobenko  stormed  into  the 
village  to  the  volost  headquarters. 

Two  men  meekly  came  out  to  meet  him,  one  being  Komelius  Martens,  rector  of  the 
Gnadenfeld  Handelsschule  and  minister  of  the  Sparrau  Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 
Komelius  humbly  pled  “Mr.  Dobenko,  forgive  us!” 

Then  the  general  let  them  have  it.  “You  damned  renegades  from  the  faith  of  your 
fathers!  For  400  years  you  could  not  take  arms,  but  now  for  your  damned  Kaiser 
Wilhelm...”  Three  times  the  men  had  to  hear  “You  damned  renegades  from  the  faith  of 
your  fathers!” 

Certain  they  were  about  to  die,  Martens  earnestly  pled  once  more  “Comrade 
Dobenko,  forgive  us!” 

General  Dobenko  finally  replied  “I  will  not  kill  all,  but  my  soldiers  may  plunder  for 
three  days,  and  where  they  find  Selbstschuetzler,  they  may  execute  them.” 

Heinz  von  Homeyer  had  taken  command  of  the  Selbstschutz  two  days  before  its 
collapse.  While  not  changing  the  final  outcome,  he  did  deploy  the  troops  in  such  a  way  that 
they  were  not  encircled  by  the  Red  Army.  As  a  consequence  a  fair  number  of  the 
Selbstschuetzler  had  been  able  to  escape  southward  to  the  Crimea,  and  were  not  executed. 

After  the  March  1 1  episode  a  special  delegation  headed  by  Benjamin  H.  Unruh 
approached  the  communist  authorities,  pointing  out  that  the  Selbstschutz  had  been  defined 
as  a  civilian,  protective,  peace-keeping  force.  Molotschna  Mennonites  were  therefore 
promised  immunity  from  reprisal  if  they  would  surrender  all  their  guns  within  three  days. 
Again,  after  intercession  on  their  behalf  by  Benjamin  Unruh  and  J.  J.  Janzen,  a  group  of 
eleven  Halbstadt  students  was  freed,  on  the  understanding  that  their  Selbstschutz  activities 
had  been  on  the  basis  of  upholding  the  civil  order. 

Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T,,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  242,  243,  247-249 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Komelius  Martens:  Our  Skillful  Advocate,  Springfield  Publishers,  Winnipeg, 
Canada,  1986,  p  8 

Toews,  John  B.,  Czars,  Soviets  &  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  pp  79-94 


Background  Information: 
Komelius  Martens 


154 


KORNELIUS  MARTENS 

[1880-1940?] 

A  Gnadenfeld  Intercessor 

Komelius  Komelius  Martens  was  bom  in  Wemersdorf,  Molotschna,  on  November  15, 
1 880.  He  was  the  first  of  five  children  of  Komelius  and  Helena  [Wolff]  Martens.  Soon  after  his 
birth  the  couple  moved  to  Spat  in  the  Crimea.  Early  settlement  years  were  hard,  the  family 
sometimes  having  only  thin  watery  soup  to  eat. 

In  August  of  1887  father  Komelius  died  as  a  result  of  an  accident,  leaving  Helena  as  a 
widow  with  five  children.  That  same  year  Komelius  started  school.  He  was  a  good  student,  being 
blessed  with  an  excellent  memory.  He  also  had  a  sense  of  responsibility  and  was  proud  to  help  his 
mother,  being  the  oldest  “man”  in  the  house. 

David  Huebert,  a  widower  living  in  Margenau,  Molotschna,  proposed  marriage  to  Helena 
by  mail.  This  was  refused,  but  the  quest  was  more  successful  when  David  personally  appeared  in 
Spat.  The  couple  was  married  on  October  18,  1892  in  Rueckenau.  The  family  moved  to  a 
Kleinwirtschaft  in  Margenau.  To  the  five  children  of  David  Huebert,  the  five  children  of  Helena, 
another  eight  were  added  through  this  marriage. 

Komelius  was  a  good  student  at  the  village  school  in  Margenau,  then  with  his  family 
skimping  and  saving,  he  continued  his  education  at  the  Gnadenfeld  Zentralschule.  With  the  help 
of  a  scholarship  he  completed  the  two  year  teacher  training  school  in  Halbstadt.  He  first  taught 
school  in  Siberia,  then  Samara  and  Alexanderpol. 

In  Alexanderpol  the  young  teacher  met  Sara  Friesen,  daughter  in  one  of  the  households 
where  he  boarded.  Despite  his  poverty,  they  were  married  on  July  3,  1 904.  The  couple  had  eight 
children,  Komelius,  Sara,  Helena,  Tusnelda,  Alexander,  Heinrich,  Elfriede  and  Anneliese. 

In  1906  the  Martens  family  moved  to  Nikolayevka  [No.  5]  in  the  Ignatyevo  Colony,  where 
Komelius  again  taught  school.  He  helped  establish  a  Zentralschule  which  opened  its  doors  in  the 
autumn  of  1 907  with  23  students.  Komelius  was  one  of  the  teachers,  instructing  religion,  German 
and  Russian. 

In  1 9 1 1  Komelius  developed  a  throat  condition  which  for  a  time  forced  him  to  give  up 
teaching.  The  Martens  family  then  moved  to  St.  Petersburg  in  1912,  where  Komelius  worked  as 
bookkeeper  for  a  branch  office  of  the  publishing  house  Raduga.  He  attended  night  school  at  the 
university,  completing  courses  in  economics  as  well  as  European  languages.  He  seemed  to  have 
a  special  facility  for  languages,  to  varying  degrees  mastering  German,  Russian,  French,  English, 
Latin,  Ukrainian  and  of  course  Low  German. 

After  two  years  of  studies  in  St.  Petersburg  Komelius  was  appointed  inspector  of  schools 
for  the  Gnadenfeld  Volost,  and  Rector  of  the  Gnadenfeld  Handelsschule  [business  college]. 

At  the  age  of  19,  after  completing  the  teacher  training,  Komelius  became  a  Christian,  and 
that  summer  joined  the  Rueckenau  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  At  the  age  of  26  he  was  elected 
minister.  When  he  was  appointed  at  Gnadenfeld  he  joined  the  Sparrau  Mennonite  Brethren  Church, 
where  in  time  he  was  elected  elder.  During  this  time  the  family  lived  in  Gnadenfeld,  so  this  often 
meant  a  lot  of  travel,  in  later  years  sometimes  on  foot. 

In  the  Martens  household  it  was  said  “He  taught  us  to  pray  and  to  work.”  When  spending 
was  required  on  the  farm,  things  had  to  be  thought  through  carefully,  but  for  books  there  was 
always  money!  Even  illness  did  not  dampen  Komelius’  enthusiasm  for  knowledge.  He  contracted 
typhus,  and  could  lie  on  only  one  side  because  of  bedsores.  He  spent  the  time  conjugating  French 
verbs  to  take  his  mind  off  the  pain. 


155 


After  the  abdication  of  the  Czar  and  during 
the  Kerensky  government,  Komelius  was  elected  head 
of  the  Gnadenfeld  Volost,  a  position  he  occupied  for 
about  one  and  a  half  years.  On  one  occasion  in  the 
unsettled  times  that  followed,  the  Handelsschule  was 
surrounded  by  armed  men.  Martens  and  another 
teacher,  Rempel,  were  apprehended  for  helping  a 
female  colleague.  Both  were  to  be  shot  in  the 
schoolyard,  when  a  cleaning  lady  asked  for  mercy  for 
the  teachers.  Finally,  for  a  pair  of  warm  winter 
underwear  and  after  a  stem  admonition  to  mind  their 
own  business,  the  two  men  were  released. 

Later,  when  the  Selbstschutz  protective  force 
collapsed,  the  Red  Army  stormed  into  Gnadenfeld  on 
March  11,1919.  Komelius  Martens  and  another  man 
stepped  forward  to  face  the  angry  General  Dobenko. 
He  pleaded  with  the  general  ”Mr.  Dobenko,  forgive 
us!”  Finally  Dobenko  agreed  to  allow  plunder,  but  not 
killing,  except  for  Selbstschuetzler. 

Eventually  the  Soviet  government  took  control 
of  the  area.  Komelius  was  released  from  his  position 
as  rector  of  the  school  and  was  required  to  pay  a  substantial  fine  within  48  hours.  January  6, 1 922 
the  family  moved  from  Gnadenfeld  to  Grossweide,  where  Komelius  started  to  farm,  although  he 
still  continued  his  church  activities.  He  was  appointed  the  official  land  surveyor  for  the  village  of 
Grossweide. 

Because  Komelius  understood  economics  and  the  laws  of  the  land  he  was  often  asked  for 
help  and  advice.  His  well  known  peace  position  enabled  him  to  represent  Mennonite  youths  when 
they  appeared  at  court  hearings  to  establish  their  non-resistant  status. 

Komelius  participated  in  various  inter-Mennonite  activities.  He  was  at  the  General 
Conference  of  Mennonite  Churches  in  Russia  held  in  Moscow  in  January,  1925,  and  was  elected 
secretary.  During  this  time  he  was  also  elected  secretary-treasurer  of  the  KfK  [Kommission  fuer 
Kirchenangelegenheiten ].  When  a  new  publication  Unser  Blatt  was  initiated,  again  at  this 
conference,  Komelius  was  chosen  as  secretary-treasurer.  He  also  contributed  articles  and  poetry 
to  this  paper. 

During  these  years  the  family  often  considered  emigration.  Difficulty  in  paying  for  the 
passage  as  well  as  the  poor  medical  condition  of  Sara  made  them  reluctant  to  resettle.  Komelius 
reasoned  “It  is  the  Lord’s  way,  he  still  needs  me  here.” 

On  July  7,  1929  Komelius  and  Sara  Martens  celebrated  their  silver  wedding  anniversary. 
Their  seven  surviving  children  [one  died  at  an  early  age],  almost  the  entire  Sparrau  congregation, 
the  whole  village  of  Grossweide  and  many  friends  participated.  Reminiscing  about  the  past  25 
years  Komelius  could  say  “Praise  be  to  God  for  everything.  I  have  kept  faith  with  the  good 
principles  of  our  Mennonite  heritage,  faith  in  our  just  cause,  and  in  God’s  promises.” 

Komelius  was  often  taken  to  the  police  station  in  Melitopol  during  this  time  to  account  for 
his  various  church  and  related  activities.  The  authorities  sometimes  detained  him  for  up  to  two 
weeks;  on  at  least  one  occasion  his  travel  was  restricted  to  the  borders  of  his  owm  village  of 
Grossweide.  In  1930  the  collectivization  of  the  Molotschna  began,  but  since  Komelius  was  a 
minister  he  was  not  allowed  to  participate  in  the  collective  farm.  Gradually  his  land  was  taken  from 


Komelius  Martens  [1880  -  1940?] 


156 


him,  until  he  had  only  16  dessiatines  [43.2  acres],  yet  he  was  forbidden  to  sell  the  farm.  Soon  an 
ever  increasing  tax  was  demanded,  and  when  the  family  tried  to  have  an  auction  to  raise  the  money, 
authorities  cancelled  it.  One  Sunday  morning,  while  Komelius  was  preaching,  a  car  could  be  heard 
entering  the  village.  This  was  usually  bad  news.  When  the  Martens  reached  their  home  after  the 
service  they  were  informed  that  they  had  to  leave  the  region  within  24  hours.  Sara  and  the  youngest 
children  were  immediately  taken  to  stay  with  relatives,  Komelius  and  the  older  four  left  by  wagon 
the  next  day.  For  a  time  the  family  was  scattered  among  relatives  or  lived  in  Russian  villages. 

In  the  spring  of  1 93 1  Komelius  obtained  a  position  as  teacher  of  Latin  and  German  at  a 
medical  institute  in  Stalino  [later  Donetsk],  When  he  found  accommodations  for  his  family  they 
gradually  all  moved  to  Stalino  as  well.  Circumstances  were  difficult,  but  they  survived. 

After  steadily  declining  health,  then  more  serious  illness  for  five  months,  Sara  died  on 
February  28,  1934,  of  heart  failure.  Despite  trying  hard,  Komelius  concluded  that  it  was  difficult 
to  run  a  household  without  a  mother.  Anna  Klassen,  originally  from  Ekaterinoslav  [now 
Dnepropetrovsk]  had  in  the  past  impressed  Komelius.  She  had  contributed  some  articles  to  Unser 
Blatt.  She  was  asked  to  come  and  visit  the  family,  with  marriage  in  mind.  The  responsibility  was 
too  great,  she  thought,  so  she  left  having  given  a  negative  answer.  Soon  after,  with  a  change  of 
heart,  she  wrote  back  to  Komelius  and  accepted  his  proposal.  They  were  married  in  August,  1 934. 
Both  Komelius  and  Anna  worked  in  the  medical  institute,  the  economic  situation  of  the  family 
improving  with  this  added  income. 

In  Stalino  Komelius  could  not  ignore  his  commitment  to  God,  and  so  continued  to  work 
as  minister.  He  led  Bible  studies,  and  also  preached  on  occasion.  In  the  spring  of  1937  he  was 
once  again  asked  to  report  to  the  police  headquarters.  Komelius  had  a  premonition  of  impending 
trouble,  for  he  said  “Soon  my  turn  will  come,  and  my  only  crime  is  that  I  have  faithfully  served  my 
Lord  and  Saviour.” 

On  the  night  of  August  6,  1937,  the  police  searched  their  rooms,  and  confiscated  some  of 
his  papers.  Komelius  was  jailed  in  Stalino,  in  a  cell  so  small  that  only  one  of  the  occupying  three 
prisoners  could  sleep  at  a  time.  Once  a  month  a  package  of  food  or  clothes  could  be  sent  to  him 
or  money  designated  for  his  use.  Anna  was  able  to  see  and  speak  to  him  on  only  one  occasion.  By 
then  he  was  very  thin. 

When  parcels  sent  to  Komelius  were  returned,  the  family  knew  that  after  one  year  of 
imprisonment  in  Stalino,  he  had  been  transferred.  On  persistent  questioning  Anna  was  informed 
that  he  was  sentenced  to  ten  years  exile,  no  exchange  of  letters  allowed.  Some  time  after  World 
War  II  a  son  received  the  information  that  Komelius  had  died  of  pneumonia  two  years  after  his 
arrival.  No  specific  location  or  date  of  death  was  given. 


Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Komelius  Martens:  Our  Skillful  Advocate,  Springfield  Publishers,  Winnipeg, 
Canada,  1986,  pp  1-19 

Janz,  Heinrich,  Prediger  Komelius  Martens,  Mennoblatt,  16  November  1991,  p  7 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  18  September  1929,  p  12 

Personal  Interviews:  Gerhard  D.  Huebert  [half-brother  of  Komelius  Martens],  Anna  Huebert 

[half-sister],  and  Tusnelda  Volkmann  and  Elfriede  Martens,  daughters  of  Komelius  Martens 
Toews,  John  B.,  Czars,  Soviets  &  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1982,  p  90 
Volkmann,  Tusnelda,  Lebenslauf  meines  Voters  Komelius  Komelius  Martens,  in  Mennonitische 
Maertyrer  edited  by  Aron  a  Toews,  1949,  pp  207-213 


157 


24.  MASSACRE  IN  MUENSTERBERG 
NOVEMBER  29  -  DECEMBER  1, 1919 


Withdrawal  of  German  troops  from  the  Ukraine  in  November,  1918,  resulted  in 
anarchy  for  the  region.  An  all-out  civil  war  began  in  which  White  Army  units  under 
General  Denikin,  Red  troops,  a  Ukrainian  National  Army  and  various  local  partisans  ranged 
back  and  forth.  Nestor  Makhno,  using  his  home  in  Gulyaipole  as  base,  organized  a  band 
of  anarchists,  an  irregular  army  of  5,000  -  8,000  men,  of  which  1 ,500  were  cavalry.  His  ten 
“regiments” [bands?]  ravaged  the  countryside,  their  basic  philosophy  being  destruction, 
with  particular  emphasis  on  kulak  peasants  and  the  urban  middle  class. 

Unfortunately  the  major  Mennonite  colonies  were  caught  in  the  middle  of  this 
confusing  struggle.  Some  attempts  at  defence  were  made  by  the  Mennonites  with  the 
formation  of  Selbstschutz  units,  but  with  the  collapse  of  the  front  after  the  skirmish  of 
March  2  and  the  battle  of  March  6- 1 0, 1 9 1 9,  the  situation  for  the  Mennonites  may  only  have 
been  aggravated.  For  the  “army”  of  Makhno  plunder,  burning  and  rape  were  standard 
treatment;  killing  followed  at  the  slightest  provocation.  Many  Mennonite  villages  were 
occupied,  a  few  were  virtually  destroyed,  many  people  losing  their  lives.  Principal  time  of 
uncontrolled  terror  by  the  Revolutionary  Insurrection  Army  of  Ukraine  [commonly  called 
Makhnovtse  by  the  Mennonites]  was  from  October  to  December,  1919. 

On  October  26,  Eichenfeld  of  the  Yazykovo  Colony  was  attacked,  and  82  people 
left  dead.  Hochfeld  had  1 9,  Nikolaifeld  13,  Franzfeld  1 1  and  Petersdorf  seven  dead.  In  the 
Molotschna,  Blumenort  had  20  people  killed  on  November  1 1,  with  1 1  in  Altonau,  and  six 
in  Ohrloff.  The  Chortitza  Colony  had  97  people  killed  by  the  Makhnovtse  in  1919,  21  in 
Nieder-Chortitza,  14  in  Kronsweide,  13  each  in  Neuendorf  and  Chortitza. 


* 


* 


* 


The  Sagradovka  Colony  seems  to  have  been  singled  out  for  unusual  punishment. 
A  band  of  Makhnovtse  used  the  neighbouring  towns  of  Shestemaya  and  Zagradovka  as 
bases  to  stage  a  number  of  raids  into  the  colony.  The  bandits  were  fuelled  by  an 
uninterrupted  supply  of  Samogonka,  a  home  brew  which  was  being  produced  in 
Shestemaya.  The  local  Russians  joined  the  activities,  often  taking  vehicles  into  the  colony 
to  cart  off  stolen  goods.  Perhaps  playing  a  role  in  the  proceedings  was  a  general  resentment 
the  local  population  had  against  Mennonites  and  other  Germans.  The  war  was  over,  but 
they  were  still  basically  the  enemy.  The  fact  that  they  had  done  well  economically  added 
a  feeling  of  hostility.  Even  more  specifically,  the  village  of  Shestemaya  wanted  more  land, 
so  it  is  possible  that  the  bandits  had  been  asked  to  totally  destroy  the  neighbouring 
Mennonite  settlement  of  Muensterberg  to  make  room  for  expansion. 


* 


* 


* 


158 


Raids  into  the  Sagradovka  Colony  started  on  November  29,  and  continued  until 
December  1,1919.  In  Orloff  there  was  murder,  rape,  robbing  and  burning  of  property,  with 
a  total  of  45  deaths.  Similar  events  occurred  in  a  number  of  the  other  villages.  In  Tiege 
there  were  at  least  17  deaths,  in  Reinfeld  16  and  Gnadenfeld  12.  Schoenau  appeared  to  be 
spared,  but  was  finally  attacked  on  December  1 ,  with  1 1  deaths. 


* 


* 


* 


Muensterberg,  although  relatively  poor,  yet  pious,  was  subjected  to  the  most  brutal 
and  repeated  attacks.  On  November  29  at  2  PM  a  droshky  filled  with  armed  men  and 
accompanied  by  six  armed  outriders  came  into  the  village  to  speak  to  the  mayor.  The  men 
were  dressed  as,  and  pretended  to  be  White  soldiers.  The  village  administration  remained 
strictly  neutral,  so  as  not  to  give  offence  to  anyone.  The  visitors  left,  having  been 
unsuccessful  in  their  attempt  to  produce  a  “provocation.”  The  dye  had,  however,  been  cast. 
The  raid  was  already  planned. 

Late  that  same  afternoon  the  village  street  was  suddenly  filled  with  riders  and 
wagons.  A  band  with  a  loud  drum  was  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  village,  and  played  jolly 
music.  With  this  eerie  accompaniment  the  destruction  commenced. 

Bandits  rushed  into  each  yard  and  began  the  slaughter.  In  other  villages  most  of  the 
victims  had  been  the  men  -  but  not  in  Muensterberg!  From  the  child  in  the  cradle  to  the 
tired  old  grey  head,  all  were  hacked  to  pieces,  and  many  burned.  Peasants  who  had  come 
with  their  wagons  boldly  entered  the  houses,  and  took  whatever  they  pleased.  Many  houses 
were  set  on  fire,  incinerating  anyone  who  was  inside.  Bams  were  also  torched,  with  many 
animals  perishing. 

Wilhelm  Martens,  mayor  of  the  village,  had  been  threatened.  His  wife,  fearing  for 
the  life  of  her  husband,  urged  him  to  hide.  This  he  did,  in  the  back  garden.  From  this 
vantage  point  he  saw  the  fires,  heard  the  wild  shouting  and  shooting,  as  well  as  the 
penetrating  grotesque  blaring  of  the  band  and  the  beat  of  the  drum.  As  soon  as  things  had 
quietened  down,  and  the  bandits  seemed  to  have  gone,  Wilhelm  sneaked  back  to  his  home. 
In  the  darkness  he  stumbled  over  the  body  of  his  dead  wife.  Throughout  the  house  lay  the 
bodies  of  his  six  children,  the  oldest  eleven  years  of  age,  all  badly  mutilated.  In  despair 
Wilhelm  left  his  home  and  ran  to  the  neighbours.  There  the  heads  of  their  children  were 
set  on  the  window  sills,  as  if  they  were  flower  pots. 

In  another  home  the  bandits  had  killed  the  mother  and  her  seven  children,  and  had 
placed  their  heads  on  chairs  around  the  table.  That  is  how  the  husband  found  them. 

In  his  own  residence  the  teacher,  Johann  Martens,  had  been  badly  wounded.  While 
he  lay  on  the  floor,  dying,  the  bandits  sat  down  at  his  table,  ate  and  drank  the  home  brew 
they  had  brought  with  them.  The  second  teacher,  Heinrich  Wolf,  had  his  throat  cut.  He  was 
found  later,  having  tried  to  stem  the  flow  of  blood  with  his  shirt  -  but  to  no  avail. 

During  the  night  many  of  the  people  who  had  been  able  to  hide  returned  to  their 
homes,  but  early  the  next  morning  the  bandits  and  peasants  returned.  The  robbing,  burning 


159 


and  killing  continued.  A  number  of  people  had  crossed  the  Ingulets  River,  seeking  refuge 
with  their  Russian  friends  in  Shestemaya.  Most  of  them  were  betrayed  and  also  murdered. 
The  bandits  took  some  women  with  them  to  Shestemaya,  and  if  they  offered  any  resistance 
to  being  raped,  simply  murdered  them. 

Finally,  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  Sunday,  December  1,  the  bandits  were 
frightened  off.  They  had  seen  the  beam  of  a  light  of  an  approaching  column  of  Denikin’s 
troops.  Defenceless  civilians  were  easy  to  deal  with,  but  they  had  no  stomach  for  armed 
disciplined  soldiers!  The  bandits  rapidly  broke  camp  and  fled  in  a  south-east  direction  to 
Kronau,  and  from  there  towards  Nikopol. 

When  the  violence  finally  stopped  a  total  of  at  least  98  people  had  been  murdered 
in  Muensterberg.  All  the  houses  except  one  had  been  burned  to  the  ground.  The  one  house 
remaining  was  dismantled  by  the  peasants  and  carted  away.  Muensterberg  had  become  a 
large  cemetery.  Only  eight  to  ten  small  huts  remained  amidst  the  desolate  abandoned  piles 
of  ashes. 

Going  beyond  statistics,  the  human  loss  and  suffering  caused  by  this  brutal  tragedy 
cannot  be  calculated.  Entire  families  were  annihilated:  Abraham  Reimers[5],  Jakob 
Dueckmanns[5]  ,  Minister  Abram  Regehrs[5],  Heinrich  Thiessens[8],  Johann  Wiebes[3], 
Jakob  A.  Regehrs[8],  Bernhard  Langemanns[7],  Gerhard  Reimers[3],  Bernhard 
Giesbrechts[6].  In  a  number  of  families  only  one  spouse  survived  the  wholesale  slaughter: 
Wilhelm  J  Martens[6],  Maria  Martens[7].  At  least  three  victims  were  infants,  and  were 
either  hacked  to  death  or  left  to  be  burned  alive  in  their  cribs. 

December  4,  when  it  was  known  with  certainty  that  the  bandits  had  left,  people  from 
other  villages  came  to  Muensterberg  to  help  find  and  bury  the  dead.  Only  37  bodies  could 
be  positively  identified,  the  others  had  been  burned  beyond  recognition  in  the  conflagration. 
The  following  Sunday  “7ote«/e,s,te”[fimeral  services]  were  held  in  the  three  churches  of  the 
colony. 

One  person  observed  that  even  the  worst  tragedy  can  have  benefit  -  some  of  the 
survivors  may  have  been  drawn  closer  to  the  Saviour,  and  could  find  peace  beyond  that 
which  the  world  would  give.  “The  Lord  has  given”  they  might  say,  “The  Lord  has  taken, 
his  name  be  praised.” 

From  the  vantage  point  of  80  years  distance  in  history,  it  is  difficult  to  be  certain  that 
anything  can  be  learned  from  this  event  except  to  realize  the  total  depravity  to  which 
mankind  can  sink. 


Sources: 

Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  46,  63,  131,  132,  138 

Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Sagradowka,  Echo-Verlag,  Rosthem,  Canada,  1947,  pp  94-103 
Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Fire  over  Zagradovka,  Steinbach,  Canada,  1983,  pp  44-54 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Sagradovka  Colony 
Nestor  Makhno 


160 


Sagradovka  Colony,  showing  the  number  of  deaths  in  six  of  the  villages 


161 


River 


NESTOR  IVANOVICH  MAKHNO 

[1889-  1934] 


Anarchist 

Nestor  Ivanovich  Makhno  was  bom  October  27,  1889  in  Gulyaipole,  a  Ukrainian  village 
about  65  kilometres  northeast  of  the  Molotschna  Colony.  Despite  coming  from  a  poor  peasant 
family  he  completed  his  public  school,  then  in  his  youth  worked  as  a  shepherd  and  drove  oxcarts 
for  German  landowners.  He  also  worked  in  a  foundry,  and  at  one  time  in  a  small  Kroeger  plant. 

In  1906  Makhno  joined  a  group  of  Ukrainian  anarchists,  was  arrested  in  1908,  and 
eventually  served  time  in  the  Butyrki  Prison  in  Moscow.  He  was  released  with  the  general  amnesty 
of  March,  1917,  and  returned  home  to  Gulyaipole.  When  German  troops  occupied  the  region  in 
early  1918  he  temporarily  left  for  Moscow,  then  returned  in  July  to  organize  small  bands  of 
anarchists  which  employed  hit  and  run  tactics  against  local  chutors  [estates]. 

When  the  German  troops  withdrew  in  November,  1918,  there  was  total  anarchy  in  the 
region.  This  allowed  Makhno  and  his  rag-tag  army  virtually  free  reign.  Using  his  home  Gulyaipole 
as  base,  he  and  his  “irregulars”  raided  the  surrounding  countryside.  Officially  called  the 
Revolutionary  Insurrectionary  Army  of  Ukraine,  the  roving  groups  were  commonly  called 
“Makhnovtse”  by  the  Mennonites.  For  the  Makhnovtse  plunder,  burning  and  rape  were  standard 

practice;  murder  followed  the  slightest  provocation. 

The  major  Mennonite  colonies  were  caught  in 
the  middle  of  this  confusing  struggle.  They  were 
likely  singled  out  for  additional  treatment  because 
they  were  from  a  minority  group,  German  and  among 
the  more  wealthy.  The  Makhnovtse  were  not 
disciplined  troops,  so  they  likely  favoured  the 
relatively  easy  prey  of  generally  non-resistant 
villages.  There  may  also  have  been  an  element  of 
personal  revenge  on  the  part  of  Nestor  Makhno 
himself. 

The  principal  time  of  uncontrolled  terror  was 
from  October  to  December,  1919.  In  Yazykovo  there 
was  plunder,  burning  and  rape,  with  at  least  1 32  dead. 
The  Molotschna  had  relatively  few  casualties,  37.  In 
Chortitza  there  were  97  murders.  November  29,  30 
and  December  1  witnessed  repeated  raids  into 
Sagradovka,  with  a  total  of  199  deaths. 

In  December,  1919,  the  Red  Army  gained 
control  of  the  area;  in  time  the  Communists  felt  that  the  partisans  were  no  longer  needed,  even 
posing  a  threat.  As  a  result  Makhno  felt  it  wiser  to  escape  across  the  Dniester  River  to  Romania 
on  August  28,  1921.  Then  he  went  to  Danzig,  Berlin  and  finally  Paris.  There  he  died  July  25, 
1 934,  likely  from  excessive  drink  and  tuberculosis.  A  motley  crowd  of  several  hundred  anarchists, 
emigrants  and  sympathizers  accompanied  his  coffin  to  the  Pere-Lachaise  Cemetery.  His  body  was 
cremated,  and  the  urn  holding  the  ashes  marked  by  a  name  plate. 

Sources: 

Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  63, 132, 138 

Peters,  Victor,  Nestor  Makhno:  The  Life  of  an  Anarchist,  Echo  Books,  Winnipeg,  1970 


Nestor  Makhno  [1889  -  1934] 


162 


25.  MOLOTSCHNA  BATTLE 
JUNE  20, 1920 


After  withdrawal  of  the  German  troops  in  late  1918,  civil  war  raged  in  Ukraine.  The 
Whites,  the  Reds,  the  Makhnovze  and  other  partisans  rampaged  around  the  land  in  dizzying 
confusion.  Sometimes  one  end  of  a  village  would  be  controlled  by  one  group,  the  other  end 
by  their  enemies! 

In  the  spring  of  1920  the  White  Army,  under  the  command  of  General  Wrangel, 
began  a  new  offensive  which  started  in  the  Crimea  and  reached  the  Molotschna  by  early 
June.  For  weeks  the  battle  lined  seesawed  back  and  forth  in  this  area,  villages  repeatedly 
changing  hands.  Wrangel,  in  his  memoirs,  described  some  of  the  battles. 

On  June  10,  1920,  there  was  a  lull  in  the  fighting,  the  Whites  consolidating  their 
positions,  the  Red  Army  reorganizing  and  bringing  in  new  recruits.  At  that  point  the  White 
Army,  holding  a  line  from  the  Sea  of  Azov  to  Waldheim  in  the  Molotschna,  consisted  of 
the  Second  Don  Division,  then  the  Don  Cossack  Division  under  General  Abramov.  From 
Waldheim  through  Tokmakto  Station  Popovo  on  the  Dniepr  River  were  the  13th  and 
34th  Infantry  Divisions  of  the  Second  Army  Corps  under  General  Slashchev.  Other  troops, 
including  the  Kuban  Cossack  and  the  Kornilov  Divisions,  held  the  line  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Dniepr  back  along  its  course  to  the  delta  on  the  Black  Sea.  Facing  these  forces  were 
the  various  cavalry  and  infantry  divisions  of  the  13th  Red  Army. 

In  a  few  days  serious  fighting  resumed.  On  June  17  the  White  Army  in  the 
Waldheim  sector  pulled  back  under  pressure  by  the  Red  cavalry  under  General  Zhloba, 
moving  in  a  south  west  direction.  Zhloba  apparently  preferred  to  move  his  troops  at  night 
because  of  the  losses  inflicted  by  White  aircraft  during  the  daylight  hours.  The  White  pull¬ 
back,  likely  a  planned  ruse  to  obtain  a  more  strategic  position,  continued  until  June  19.  By 
then  the  main  forces  of  the  Red  cavalry  occupied  the  south  central  portion  of  the 
Molotschna,  including  Friedensdorf,  Margenau,  Tiegerweide,  Kleefeld  and  Alexanderkrone. 
Total  forces  of  the  1 3th  Red  Army  in  the  region  were  25,000  infantry  and  12,000  cavalry. 
Facing  them  in  a  semicircle  were  various  elements  of  the  White  Army  totalling  15,000 
infantry  and  6,500  cavalry. 

At  6  PM  on  June  19,  General  Wrangel  sent  out  directives  to  his  generals  ordering 
an  offensive  to  begin  against  the  enemy  before  dawn  on  June  20,  in  the  direction  of 
Gnadenfeld.  At  5  AM  the  Second  Don  Division  began  the  attack,  joined  by  the  others  by 
the  time  the  light  of  dawn  broke  the  horizon.  Pressed  on  all  sides,  pounded  by  artillery, 
strafed  by  machine  guns  of  White  aircraft,  the  Red  Army  started  to  panic.  A  large  portion, 
at  least  two  divisions  under  the  command  of  Zhloba,  broke  through  the  lines  in  the  direction 
of  Halbstadt  and  Tokmak.  Here  they  were  met  by  the  13th  Infantry  Division  and  the 
armoured  trains,  so  Zhloba  again  turned  south,  where  his  fleeing  cavalry  encountered  the 
Drosdovze  Division.  Finally  a  full  scale  retreat  of  all  Red  units  began  in  the  direction  of 
Chemigovka,  with  the  White  cavalry  in  hot  pursuit.  Around  Hierschau  they  caught  up  with 
the  Red  rearguard  and  a  battle  resulted.  After  further  losses  the  Red  Army  retreat 
continued.  Many  Red  cavalrymen  abandoned  their  exhausted  horses  and  fled  on  foot, 


163 


hiding  where  they  could.  In  all  the  Whites  captured  40  cannons,  200  machine  guns,  almost 
3,000  horses,  and  took  2,000  prisoners. 

Meanwhile  General  Wrangel  and  his  staff,  with  headquarters  in  Melitopol,  anxiously 
awaited  news  from  the  battlefield.  The  rumble  of  the  unending  artillery  fire  could  easily  be 
heard,  yet  there  was  no  direct  communication  with  the  various  units  on  the  field.  Finally 
a  new  sound  appeared,  the  approaching  drone  of  a  propeller.  An  aircraft  skimmed  low  over 
the  railroad,  dropping  a  note  which  said,  “The  enemy  has  been  struck  on  the  head,  encircled 
by  our  warriors.  General  Tkechev  reports  a  complete  destruction  of  the  enemy.” 

The  following  day,  on  June  21,  a  church  service  was  held  in  Melitopol,  thanking 
God  for  the  victory. 


* 


* 


* 


Many  of  the  Red  troops  fleeing  from  the  field  of  battle  followed  the  road  through 
Friedensdorf,  Landskrone,  Hierschau,  then  on  to  Waldheim  and  Chemigovka.  Johann  Epp 
and  his  sons  were  working  on  their  fields  outside  the  village  of  Hierschau  on  June  20, 1920. 
They  could  hear  the  sounds  of  the  battle  in  the  Rueckenau  area,  then  they  saw  the  retreating 

Red  Army  streaming  along  the  road,  through 
Hierschau  and  Waldheim.  First  came  the  artillery, 
each  cannon  pulled  by  four  or  six  horses.  Then 
came  the  supply  wagons  and  the  kitchen.  The 
kitchen  consisted  of  a  big  barrel  of  borscht  on  two 
large  wheels  pulled  by  a  camel.  Masses  of 
infantry  followed,  then  finally  came  the  cavalry. 
As  mentioned,  around  Hierschau  the  White 
cavalry  caught  up  with  the  Red  rearguard,  the  Red 
Army  suffering  further  losses. 

As  the  battle  proceeded,  and  then  as  the 
Red  retreat  continued,  15-20  soldiers  hid 
themselves  in  the  Willms  bam  in  Hierschau.  As 
the  Whites  occupied  the  village  they  rode  down 
the  street  shouting  onto  each  yard  to  give  up  any 
prisoners  they  had,  otherwise  it  would  cost  their 
own  lives.  A  group  of  Cossacks  came  riding  onto 
the  Willms  yard,  swords  drawn,  demanding  that 
the  Willms  give  up  anyone  hidden  there.  Hearing 
this  from  the  hayloft,  possibly  not  wishing  their 
hosts  to  suffer,  the  Reds  came  down  onto  the  yard  with  their  hands  up.  They,  together  with 
other  soldiers  hidden  in  the  village,  were  marched  off  in  the  direction  of  Waldheim.  The 
Willms  never  discovered  what  happened  to  these  prisoners. 

After  the  dust  of  battle  had  settled  some  of  the  local  men  were  organized  to  help  in 


Communist  Soup  Kitchen 


164 


the  cleanup  operation.  Many  Red  soldiers  had  been  killed  in  action,  and  their  bodies  had 
to  be  disposed  of.  Crews  of  men  went  around  the  countryside  with  their  wagons,  picking 
up  the  corpses.  Many  were  found  close  to  horses,  probably  meaning  that  they  had  been  in 
the  cavalry,  and  many  also  had  large  scalp  lacerations,  the  common  trademark  of  Cossack 
swords. 

When  the  crew  came  upon  a  body,  each  man  would  grasp  a  leg  or  an  arm,  and  with 
a  “1-2-3-4"  they  would  swing  it  onto  the  wagon.  When  they  had  six  or  seven  bodies,  they 
would  take  them  to  a  mass  grave  which  had  been  dug,  and  would  unload  them  in  a  similar 
manner.  Half  a  dozen  bodies  commonly  shared  a  grave.  No  identification  was  made,  and 
no  memorial  stones  were  erected.  The  men  participating  in  this  macabre  work  now  and 
then  did  wonder  who  would  be  waiting  for  the  return  of  a  loved  one,  waiting  in  vain. 


Sources: 

Braun,  Heinrich,  Personal  Interview 
Epp,  Peter,  Personal  Interview 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  250-255 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  64,  65,  138,  139 

Wrangel,  P.  N.,  The  Memoirs  of  General  Wrangel.  The  Last  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Russian  National  Russian  Army,  Duffield,  New  York,  USA,  1930 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Molotschna  Colony  June  20,  1920 


165 


166 


Molotschna  Colony  June  20,  1920 

[Based  on  a  map  by  General  Peter  Wrangel] 


26.  LICHTENAU  DEPARTURE 
JUNE  23, 1924 


The  day  of  departure  for  the  first  group  of  emigrants  from  the  Molotschna  Colony 
bound  for  Canada  was  set  for  June  17,  1924.  The  medical  commission,  which  was  to 
determine  the  health  of  the  emigrants,  had  arrived  in  Halbstadt,  so  people  streamed  there 
to  be  examined.  Family  after  family  was  called  into  the  rooms,  and  when  they  had  finished 
came  out  to  the  yard  where  they  were  peppered  with  questions  -  “How  are  you?”  “What 
do  they  look  for?”  The  results  of  the  examinations  could  be  seen  on  the  faces.  They  were 
beaming  when  the  whole  family  had  been  declared  healthy.  Faces  were  downcast  in  many 
an  instance  when  a  family  member  was  declared  to  have  the  eye  disease  trachoma, 
especially  if  all  belongings  had  already  been  sold  in  anticipation  of  departure. 

Those  declared  healthy  then  proceeded  with  liquidation  of  all  remaining  property, 
that  which  was  left  after  the  revolution  and  the  following  civil  war.  Prices  were  low,  in  part 
because  of  an  anticipated  poor  crop.  There  had  been  a  long  drought  with  very  high 
temperatures,  up  to  40°Celsius  in  the  shade.  That  which  was  to  be  taken  to  the  new  home 
in  Canada  was  packed.  Food  for  the  trip  within  Russia  was  prepared.  Necessary  documents 
were  obtained,  such  as  exit  permits,  visas,  certificates  of  church  membership,  medical 
certificates,  with  the  required  fees  being  paid. 

When  everything  was  prepared  it  remained  only  to  await  the  day  of  departure,  and 
to  say  farewell  to  friends  and  relatives  who  were  staying  behind.  There  was  time  to 
contemplate  the  past,  the  sad  events,  the  struggle  for  very  existence,  the  repeated 
disappointments.  Some  felt  that  these  had  been  definite  signs  given  by  God  signifying  that 
it  was  time  to  move  on.  Was  it  possible  that  the  planned  departure  on  June  1 7  could  be 
delayed,  or  even  cancelled?  The  way  things  had  gone  in  Russia  this  was  a  definite 
possibility! 

Suddenly  the  anticipated  disappointment  became  a  reality.  Departure  would  be 
delayed  one  week.  Why  the  delay?  “The  government  is  checking  the  emigration  lists,”  was 
the  unsettling  answer.  “Only  a  technicality,”  said  others,  “the  men  of  military  age  have  to 
be  released... only  a  formality!”  Be  that  as  it  may,  somewhere,  out  of  the  control  of  the 
emigrants,  events  were  happening  which  impacted  directly  on  each  one.  Then  suddenly  the 
order  came.  Sunday  [June  22]  at  noon,  all  emigrants  must  be  at  the  train  station  in 
Lichtenau. 

In  one  hour  all  remaining  arrangements  were  made.  Relatives  and  neighbours 
staying  behind  collected  on  the  farmyards  to  say  their  farewells.  The  wagons  required  to 
go  to  the  train  station  were  ready.  Farewells  were  more  difficult  than  expected,  and  tended 
to  go  on  and  on.  Finally,  with  iron  resolve,  the  travellers  got  onto  the  wagons  and  prepared 
for  departure.  They  pulled  off  the  yards  and  proceeded  onto  the  village  streets,  then  out 
along  the  roads.  On  many  yards  scarves  were  waved  in  final  farewell,  and  here  and  there 
tears  were  wiped  away.  Once  actually  on  the  road  the  travellers  noticed  that  it  was  a 
beautiful  Sunday  morning;  there  was  an  expectant  joy  in  the  air. 

Even  before  arrival  at  the  station  most  emigrants  had  been  divided  into  train  car 


167 


groups.  Each  group  then  elected  a  representative.  A  “Train  Committee”  of  three  had  been 
established.  To  these  were  added  a  CPR  [Canadian  Pacific  Railway]  representative  and  a 
member  of  the  VBHH  [Verband  der  Buerger  Hollaendischer  Herkunft ],  who  was  a  teacher 
from  Tiegenhagen,  J.  J.  Thiessen.  He  would  accompany  the  group  to  the  Russian  border. 
The  “Train  Committee,”  these  representatives,  and  the  train  car  representatives  constituted 
the  “Train  Administration.” 

Every  train  car  group,  for  a  few  rubles,  had  its  freight  car  washed  clean.  The  train 
was  actually  to  leave  on  Monday,  June  23.  Those  who  lived  nearby  stayed  the  last  night 
with  their  loved  ones,  those  from  far  away  stayed  with  acquaintances  in  Lichtenau  or 
Blumstein,  others  bunked  overnight  in  the  train  cars. 

Monday,  June  23,  the  whole  crowd  of  emigrants  gathered  at  the  railroad  station  in 
Lichtenau.  Over  1 , 1 00  people  were  leaving,  but  those  saying  farewell  were  many  more  than 
that!  Several  church  choirs  had  come  to  sing  a  farewell,  but  were  prevented  from  carrying 
out  their  plans  by  the  authorities. 

One  departing  person  wrote  “Now  it  is  time  to  bid  adieu  and  leave  one’s  hearth, 
village,  customs,  relatives  and  friends.  People  took  leave  of  one  another.  Even  the  strong 
wept,  some  sobbed.  Perhaps  not  all  were  aware  of  the  significance  of  the  day,  but  a  deep 
seriousness  was  written  on  all  faces.  Parting  is  painful.”  It  was  time  for  the  train  to  leave. 
Songs  wafted  from  a  few  cars.  When  the  train  finally  started  to  move  the  whole  crowd,  as 
if  on  cue,  sang  one  last  song  to  those  departing.  Friendly  words  were  shouted  back  and 
forth  “Good  bye.  Come  after  us!”  “Reunion  in  eternity!”  Scarves  were  waved  until  the 
train  disappeared  down  the  track. 

Once  departed,  the  dreams  of  the  emigrants  seemed  to  be  approaching  reality.  A 
plan  was  finally  working  out!  Now  to  the  business  at  hand.  It  was  rumoured  that  it  was 
best  to  change  rubles  to  American  dollars.  In  Melitopol  and  Tokmak  the  exchange  rate  had 
been  1  dollar  for  1.25  and  up  to  1.50  rubles.  Now  in  Lichtenau  speculators  had  driven  up 
the  price  to  1 .94.  At  some  of  the  stations  along  the  way  it  was  even  higher,  for  example  2.3 
in  Polotsk.  Later  at  the  border,  the  official  exchange  was  actually  1  dollar  for  2  rubles. 

The  trip  through  Russia  went  very  well.  The  travellers,  especially  the  young  people, 
had  time  to  observe  and  compare  the  landscape  in  the  various  regions  -  the  forests,  rivers, 
cities  and  villages.  The  only  complaint  was  about  the  long  station  stops.  The  emigrants  had 
taken  along  their  own  provisions,  with  hot  water  for  tea  being  provided  at  the  stations,  as 
much  as  they  wanted.  Some  of  the  stops  were  so  long  that  the  families  could  actually  cook 
their  meals  on  the  platforms!  The  train  travelled  through  Alexandrovsk[Zaporozhye], 
Kursk,  Orel,  Smolensk,  Vitebsk[Vicebsk],  Polotsk[Polack],  then  finally  approached  the 
Russian  border  at  Sebej[Sebez]. 

The  wait  at  Sebej  was  about  24  hours.  Most  of  the  time  was  taken  to  complete  the 
final  emigration  lists,  after  that  the  passes  were  checked.  Then  the  baggage  was  inspected. 
Some  people  feared  that  they  had  taken  along  too  much,  but  the  customs  officials,  though 
thorough,  were  not  particularly  strict. 

The  night  of  June  29  to  30  the  train  passed  the  Russian  border  into  Latvia,  stopping 
at  Zilupe.  The  strange  uniforms  of  the  officials,  the  different  language,  and  the  peculiar 
writing  on  the  signs  showed  them  that  they  were  in  a  foreign  country.  Many  who  had  gone 


168 


through  difficult  experiences  in  their  former  homes  could  now  finally  breathe  a  sigh  of 
relief!  Early  in  the  morning,  in  the  open  air,  a  service  of  thanks  to  God  was  held, 
expressing  gratefulness  for  his  merciful  leading.  With  joyful  hearts  the  group  sang  “Nun 
danket  alle  Gott ”  [Now  Thank  We  All  Our  God], 

The  day  was  overcast,  with  a  fine  drizzle,  and  cool.  All  emigrants  had  to  transfer 
to  a  Latvian  train,  which  was  also  a  freight  train.  There  were  only  two  differences.  The 
cars  were  dirty,  since  they  had  not  been  washed  out,  and  there  were  only  40  cars  instead  of 
the  previous  50.  Ten  car  groups  therefore  had  to  be  dissolved,  with  the  travellers  joining 
other  groups.  Understandably  this  led  to  some  inconveniences.  In  Zilupe  the  Latvian 
officials  confiscated  ladders,  axes,  hammers  and  other  such  tools  [considered  to  be 
weapons?]  which  the  emigrants  had  hoped  to  use  in  their  new  home  country. 

From  Zilupe  the  train  travelled  to  Rezekne  [Ryejitsa]  on  June  30.  This  was  actually 
the  first  official  Latvian  border  post,  and  here  the  emigrants  were  detained  for  one  and  a  half 
days.  The  baggage  was  treated  for  several  hours  in  a  disinfection  room.  Most  people 
moved  out  of  the  train  and  spent  the  night  in  some  barracks.  The  CPR  officials  prepared 
their  final  lists  of  passengers,  boarding  passes  were  distributed  for  the  steamship  Marglen, 
and  the  landing  passes  were  issued  for  Quebec  City.  Everyone  over  eight  years  of  age  had 
to  sign  their  own  cards  -  for  the  children  that  were  younger  the  parents  could  sign. 

A  number  of  people  used  the  stay  in  Rezekne  as  an  opportunity  to  go  shopping.  The 
city  itself  was  a  few  kilometres  from  the  station.  Those  who  went  bought  clothing  and 
footwear,  at  very  reasonable  prices.  Good  shoes  cost  $3.00  to  $3.50,  excellent  boots  were 
only  $5.00. 

On  July  2  the  train  continued  in  the  direction  of  Riga.  The  CPR  had  promised  to 
supply  the  passengers  with  food  between  Rezekne  and  Libau.  In  Rezekne  there  was  plenty 
of  rye  bread,  but  after  that  the  arrangements  were  not  satisfactory.  In  most  stations  there 
was  not  even  enough  hot  water  for  tea!  The  group  noticed  that  the  train  did  not  stop  for  any 
length  of  time  in  the  larger  cities,  such  as  Riga,  but  then  waited  for  long  periods  at 
insignificant  stops.  July  3,  without  serious  mishap,  the  train  arrived  in  the  port  city  of  Libau 
[Liepaja],  The  travellers  had  to  unload  their  baggage  immediately,  and  label  the  packages 
appropriately.  They  took  their  hand  luggage  with  them  as  they  boarded  the  S.  S.  Marglen, 
while  the  larger  pieces  were  loaded  using  large  nets  lifted  by  cranes.  Some  of  the  boxes 
were  unceremoniously  dumped  into  the  hold  [nicht  eben  sanft  in  dem  Rumpf  des  Schiffes 
befoerdert...].  Later  it  was  discovered  that  many  of  the  larger  boxes  had  been  smashed. 

That  same  day,  before  evening,  the  Marglen  left  port,  being  helped  by  three  tug 
boats.  It  then  steamed  of  into  the  Baltic  in  a  south  west  direction.  Some  of  the  women  and 
children  were  in  clean  cabins,  but  most  families  had  to  sleep  on  the  lower  deck.  That 
evening  many  people  actually  sat  on  the  upper  deck,  discussing  their  new  experiences  and 
watching  the  shipping.  In  time,  though,  everyone  went  off  to  bed.  The  following  day  the 
Marglen  passed  the  islands  of  Bornholm  and  Ruegen,  and  on  the  morning  of  July  5  reached 
the  Kaiser  Wilhelm  [Kiel]  Canal.  On  the  passage  through  the  canal  it  was  quite  easy  for  the 
travellers  to  make  comparisons,  the  German,  as  contrasted  to  the  Russian  countryside. 
German  circumstances  certainly  looked  to  be  much  better. 

Having  passed  through  the  Kiel  Canal  the  Marglen  headed  into  the  North  Sea,  where 


169 


the  waves  were  considerably  higher.  A  little  rocking  of  the  ship  was  enough  to  induce  sea¬ 
sickness  for  some,  although  most  passengers  were  quite  well  throughout.  They  passed  the 
island  of  Helgoland,  then  went  up  the  Dutch  coast  to  the  Schelde  Delta,  then  up  a  large 
branch  to  Antwerp.  While  on  board  passengers  were  periodically  subjected  to  medical 
examinations.  Almost  daily,  sometimes  in  the  open  air  on  the  upper  deck  or  in  the  second 
class  dining  room,  there  were  church  services.  Leaders  were  Ministers  Jakob  P.  Friesen, 
Jakob  P.  Wiens,  Peter  F.  Goertzen  and  Elder  Heinrich  Martens.  One  evening  there  was 
even  a  musical  program  organized  by  conductor  Gerhard  J.  Enns. 

When  the  Marglen  arrived  in  Antwerp  on  July  7,  and  the  passengers  saw  the  ocean 
liner  on  which  they  were  to  travel,  they  were  disappointed.  The  Marglen  was  a  1 0,3 1 9  ton 
vessel,  the  S.  S.  Minnedosa,  their  proposed  ocean  liner,  was  only  marginally  larger  at  13,972 
tons.  With  the  wind  and  waves  anticipated  for  the  North  Atlantic  it  was  expected  that  most 
of  the  travellers  would  succumb  to  sea-sickness.  Early  on  July  8  the  transfer  of  baggage  and 
the  resettling  of  passengers  began.  Before  the  emigrants  could  board  the  Minnedosa , 
however,  a  new  thorough  medical  examination  was  required  [by  now  one  would  have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  medical  authorities  did  not  know  exactly  what  they  were  looking 
for].  The  result  was  that  64  people  had  to  remain  under  quarantine  in  Antwerp,  while  the 
others  could  proceed. 

After  the  medical  examinations  a  certain  limited  number  of  people  were  allowed  to 
go  into  the  city  of  Antwerp  to  shop.  This  was  an  excellent  opportunity,  for,  while  prices 
were  not  as  low  as  in  Rezekne,  they  were  not  as  high  as  they  were  later  to  be  found  in 
Canada. 

On  July  9  the  Minnedosa  weighed  anchor,  and  by  10  AM  the  voyage  had  begun. 
The  first  stop  was  at  Southampton,  where  the  ship  arrived  the  night  of  June  9-10. 
Continuing  on  the 
10th  the  next  port  of 
call  was  Cherbourg  in 
France,  where  the 
CPR  representative 
left  the  ship.  He  was 
a  former  Russian 
estate  owner  named 
Mr.  Pickel,  who  had 
accompanied  the 
group  since  the  port  of 
Libau.  The  actual 
ocean  voyage  began 
after  Cherbourg. 

Some  found  it  to  be 
frightfully  long  and 

exceedingly  boring,  punctuated  largely  by  sea-sickness.  Others  were  perfectly  healthy 
throughout,  and  lost  neither  their  good  mood  nor  their  appetites. 

Again  on  the  Minnedosa  the  emigrants  held  regular  church  services,  and  also  again 


t 

i 


Canadian  Pacific  ocean  liner  S.  S.  Minnedosa 


170 


the  endless  medicals  examinations  were  carried  on,  especially  for  those  people  noted  as 
questionable  on  the  Halbstadt  lists.  At  first  the  ship  followed  the  warm  Gulf  Stream,  but 
then  came  to  the  cooler  Labrador  Current.  There  the  passengers  were  amazed  to  see  huge 
animals  in  the  water  -  they  shot  steam  and  water  into  the  air,  showing  head,  rump,  and 
occasionally  the  whole  body.  The  local  wisdom  of  the  group  was  that  they  had  seen 
whales,  an  opinion  confirmed  by  the  crew. 

On  the  evening  of  July  1 7  the  Minnedosa  docked  in  Quebec  City.  The  lights  of  the 
city  and  harbour  were  beautiful.  A  number  of  North  American  Mennonites  greeted  the  new 
arrivals,  P.  P.  Epp  of  Morden,  J.  Elias  of  Rosthem  and  C.  Coffman.  The  following  day, 
Friday,  July  1 8,  the  immigrants  left  the  ship  and  were  transferred  onto  trains.  This  time  the 
trains  provided  by  the  CPR  did  not  consist  of  freight  cars,  but  regular  passenger  cars, 
considered  to  be  a  luxury  by  the  weary  travellers.  The  usual  medical  examinations  that 
preceded  departure  meant  that  50-60  people  were  detained  in  Quebec,  but  the  rest  continued 
on  into  Canada,  accompanied  by  the  hosts  who  had  greeted  them.  Most  of  this  initial  group 
of  immigrants  from  the  Molotschna  went  to  Ontario,  52  to  Vineland  and  the  rest  to  the 
Waterloo  area,  with  a  smaller  number  going  to  western  Canada. 

Saturday,  July  19,  the  largest  contingent  arrived  in  Waterloo.  Many  people  had 
arrived  at  the  station  to  see  the  “Russians”  arrive.  The  immigrants  were  taken,  together 
with  their  hand  luggage,  to  the  yard  of  a  local  Mennonite  church.  Here,  to  help  in  the 
recovery  from  the  long  journey,  they  were  given  a  meal,  coffee,  baked  goods,  meat  and 
cheese.  A  platform  had  been  set  up  in  the  middle  of  the  yard.  Members  of  the  local 
arrangements  committee  greeted  the  newcomers,  while  ministers  Jakob  Friesen  and  Jakob 
Wiens  thanked  their  hosts  for  the  help,  for  sharing  of  the  discomfort  of  their  Russian 
brethren.  They  pointed  out  that  God  had  been  gracious  and  had  led  the  way;  they  had 
perceived  his  nearness  throughout  the  whole  trip. 

The  local  committee  then  reminded  the  hosts  and  the  immigrants  of  their 
obligations,  mentioning  the  guidelines  which  were  expected  to  be  followed.  Then  hosts 
and  guests,  as  prescribed  in  previously  prepared  lists,  met,  and  the  immigrants  were  taken 
to  their  new  homes. 

Newspaper  reports  gave  the  number  of  immigrants  settling  in  Ontario  at  1 ,083,  with 
101  travelling  further  west,  largely  because  they  had  close  relatives  living  there. 


Sources: 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council, 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  pp  150-153 

News  Report,  Der  Mennonitische  Immigranten-Bote  [Der  Bote],  27  August  1924,  pp  1,  2,  3  and 
continued  3  September  1924,  pp  1,  2,  3.  This  is  the  principal  source  used  to  describe 
the  trip.  Name  of  the  writer  is  not  given,  nor  the  home  village  in  the  Molotschna 

Toews,  David,  Nachrichten  ueber  die  Einwanderung,  Letter,  Mennonitische  Rundschau 
20  August  1924,  p  10 

Toews,  J.  B.,  Lost  Fatherland,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  1967,  pp  162-165 


171 


Background  Information: 

Behind  the  Scenes 

Map:  The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  in  the  USSR 
Map:  The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  by  Sea 
Benjamin  B.  Janz 
David  Toews 

Emigration  of  Mennonites  from  the  Soviet  Union 
Trachoma 

Canadian  Pacific  Ships 


BEHIND  THE  SCENES 

Unknown  to  most  of  the  travellers,  there  had  been  a  great  flurry  of  activity  both  in  the 
Soviet  Union  and  Canada,  to  make  this  trip  possible.  There  was  a  trickle  of  escapees  from  the 
Soviet  Union  in  the  early  1 920s,  but  attempts  were  now  being  made  to  allow  a  more  large  scale 
emigration.  For  this  purpose  the  VBHH  [  Verband der  Buerger  Hollanischer  Herkunft  -  Union  of 
Citizens  of  Dutch  Lineage],  with  the  very  active  and  dedicated  chairman  B.  B.  Janz,  convinced  the 
authorities  that  the  Mennonite  colonies  could  better  recover  from  the  deprivation  of  civil  war  if  the 
excess  poor  population  would  be  allowed  to  emigrate.  Under  this  supposition  lists  of  potential 
candidates  were  made,  and  the  efforts  to  migrate  were  initiated.  Negotiations  were  complicated 
by  the  dual,  and  sometimes  competing  interests  of  the  central  government  in  Moscow,  and  the 
regional  officials  in  Kharkov.  Janz  was  a  master  diplomat,  and  exceedingly  persistent.  Finally 
some  of  the  arrangements  came  to  fruition.  A  group  had  left  Chortitza  in  1 923 ,  so  now  the  pressure 
was  mounting  to  also  have  departures  from  the  Molotschna.  With  many  intricate  and  delicate 
negotiations  departure  of  the  first  group  was  originally  planned  for  June  1 7,  then  finally  allowed 
on  June  23,  1924. 

In  the  meantime,  following  the  dealings  of  1923,  arrangements  were  being  made  with  the 
CPR  in  Canada  to  negotiate  a  second  contract  for  1924.  Eventually  the  contract  called  for  5,000 
credit  passengers  to  be  allowed  into  Canada,  and  2,000  cash  passengers.  Considering  the 
delinquent  Reiseschuld  [Travel  debt]  payments  and  poor  crop  prospects,  this  was  later  downgraded 
to  4,000,  which,  however,  was  exceeded  by  1,048.  Negotiators  for  the  Mennonite  Board  of 
Colonization  were  David  Toews,  E.  S.  Hallman  and  A.  A.  Friesen. 

The  greatest  miracle  of  the  migration  was  that  the  Soviet  negotiations,  the  long  trip,  and 
the  Canadian  arrangements  actually  combined  to  bring  thousands  of  Mennonites  to  Canada  in  such 
an  hour  of  need. 


Sources: 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  pp  150-153 

Toews,  J.  B.,  Lost  Fatherland,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  1967,  pp  162-165 


172 


173 


The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  in  the  USSR 


174 


The  First  Molotschna  Group  Travel  by  Sea 


BENJAMIN  B.  JANZ 
[1877-  1964] 

The  Russian  Negotiator 

Benj  amin  Benjamin  Janz  was  bom  in  Konteniusfeld,  Molotschna  Colony  on  September  25, 
1 877,  the  first  of  seven  children  of  Benjamin  and  Helene  [Penner]  Janz.  His  siblings  were  Heinrich 
[died  at  age  of  seven],  Margaretha,  Jakob,  Maria,  another  Heinrich  [died  at  age  of  one]  and  Helena, 
all  of  whom  were  also  bom  in  Konteniusfeld.  The  parents  were  poor,  having  purchased  a  small 
farm  and  windmill,  and  needed  to  borrow  horses  and  implements  to  plant  the  first  crop.  To 
supplement  the  farm  income  father  Benjamin  worked  as  a  carpenter  in  the  surrounding  villages. 

Benjamin  completed  the  village  school,  then  went  to  Zentralschule  in  Gnadenfeld  from 
1892-1895.  His  father  likely  decided  that  Benjamin’s  “delicate  and  fragile  physique”  would  not 
allow  him  to  operate  the  family  farm  and  mill  in  any  case.  Benjamin’s  teacher  had  been  impressed 
by  his  academic  abilities,  so  when  a  loan  of  150  rubles  per  year  became  available,  he  could  afford 
to  attend.  Despite  sharing  a  room  with  a  dozen  students  Benjamin  was  able  to  concentrate  on  his 
studies.  During  his  time  in  Gnadenfeld  he  decided  on  a  career  of  teaching.  Father  Benjamin, 
however,  decided  that  further  education  was  not  necessary,  so  the  young  Benjamin  did  what  was 
allowed.  He  could  teach  the  elementary  grades  in  village  schools  without  having  attended  teachers’ 
college.  In  the  summer  of  1 896  he  accepted  a  teaching  position  in  Yalantusch,  Crimea. 

In  the  meantime  Benjamin  had  been  struggling  in  his  spiritual  life.  He  read  and  studied  the 
scriptures  with  increasing  frustration,  but  eventually  on  January  1 9,  1 897,  was  able  to  grasp  the 
truth  of  salvation.  This  came  partly  through  the  words  written  in  Isaiah  43,  also  through  the  advice 
of  his  host  Heinrich  Dueck  and  through  prayer.  Baptism  by  immersion  was  a  thorny  question  in 
the  Janz  household,  but  despite  parental  opposition  Benjamin  was  baptized  in  the  Juschanlee  River 
on  August  8,  1 897,  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church.  Janz  saw  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
as  being  a  voluntary  body  of  believers,  practicing  radical  ethics,  using  strong  discipline, 
emphasizing  study  of,  and  acceptance  of  scripture,  including  such  beliefs  as  non-resistance.  After 
his  baptism  he  became  actively  involved  in  the  Sparrau  congregation,  joining  the  choir,  helping  in 

the  Sunday  school,  and  eventually  preaching. 

Through  additional  studies  Janz  in  time  obtained  his 
certificate  as  teacher.  In  1900  he  accepted  a  position  as  tutor 
on  a  large  estate  near  Kleefeld,  then  after  three  years  he 
became  the  principal  of  the  village  school  in  Sparrau. 

While  at  a  teachers’  conference  in  the  Memrik  Colony 
Benjamin  was  introduced  to  Maria  Rogalsky;  the  couple 
married  on  September  25, 1905.  They  had  six  children:  Peter 
[1906],  Helena  [1908],  Gertruda  [1909],  Maria  [1910],  Jakob 
[1912]  and  Martha  [1920].  Wife  Maria,  throughout  their 
married  life,  was  a  “quiet,  patient,  praying,  concerned  and 
active  support.” 

In  1908  Janz  accepted  a  new  teaching  position  in 
Tiege.  He  again  became  active  in  the  local  Mennonite 
Brethren  congregation.  His  ministry  was  well  accepted, 
resulting  in  his  ordination  as  minister  on  September  25, 1 909, 
and  his  election  as  leader  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren 
congregation  in  Tiege. 

Benjamin  B.  Janz  in  1914  When  World  War  I  broke  out  Janz,  as  a  conscientious 


175 


objector,  was  drafted  into  the  non-combatant  alternative  service,  the  Forstei.  He  was  stationed  at 
the  Alt  Berdyansk  Forestry  Station,  where  he  was  a  supervisor  and  also  functioned  as  a  chaplain. 
In  1917,  after  Russia  had  lost  the  war,  he  returned  to  his  work  in  Tiege  as  teacher  and  minister. 
Because  of  the  difficult  circumstances  he  suffered  ill  health  from  overwork,  but  in  time  gradually 
recovered. 

After  the  civil  war  and  the  final  victory  of  the  Bolsheviks,  Mennonite  young  men,  who 
traditionally  could  perform  alternate  non-combatant  service,  were  drafted  into  the  Red  Army.  At 
an  All-Mennonite  conference  held  in  Alexanderwohl,  Molotschna,  on  February  19,  1921,  the 
Verband  der  Mennoniten  Sued-Russ lands  [VMSR]  [Union  of  South  Russian  Mennonites]  was 
established  in  an  effort  to  help  the  situation.  Janz  was  elected  chairman,  but  only  accepted  after 
those  present  unanimously  accepted  the  principle  of  non-resistance.  This  was  the  start  of  Janz's 
“career”  of  negotiating  with  officialdom.  He  developed  a  strategy  which  in  times  of  crisis  served 
him  and  the  Mennonite  constituency  well.  He  remained  unobtrusive;  he  dealt  only  with  the  highest 
levels  of  government,  if  necessary  waiting  for  days  for  a  high  level  interview;  he  negotiated  with 
as  many  government  departments  as  possible,  allowing  the  ones  favouring  his  cause  to  convince 
the  opponents;  he  gave  out  as  little  information  as  possible,  so  that  colleagues  would  not  disrupt  his 
carefully  laid  plans. 

Janz  then  set  to  work  to  assure  the  legal  status  of  the  VMSR.  Eventually  it  was  suggested 
by  a  government  official  that  the  name  “Mennonite”  needed  to  be  eliminated,  so  it  was  changed  to 
Verband  der  Buerger  Hollandischer  Herkunft  [VBHH]  [Union  of  Citizens  of  Dutch  Lineage], 
Ratification  of  its  charter  was  of  great  significance,  allowing  the  Mennonites  to  continue  to  function 
as  a  national  minority.  While  the  attempts  to  prevent  the  draft  of  Mennonite  young  men  was  not 
particularly  successful,  other  fields  of  action  soon  became  apparent. 

During  the  time  of  desperate  famine  in  1921  and  1922,  Janz  helped  men  such  as  Alvin  J. 
Miller  to  negotiate  for  the  American  Mennonite  Relief  [later  the  MCC],  with  both  the  Moscow  and 
the  Kharkov  governments.  Eventually  this  allowed  food,  clothing  and  even  tractors  to  alleviate  the 
situation  in  the  Mennonite  colonies.  At  the  same  time  he  negotiated  with  various  Soviet  officials 
for  the  reconstruction  of  the  devastated  Mennonite  communities.  A  strategy  linked  to  this  was  that 
the  poor  needed  to  be  siphoned  off,  to  emigrate  out  of  the  country,  to  allow  this  reconstruction  to 
proceed.  Thus  began  the  protracted  and  exceedingly  complicated  series  of  negotiations  with  the 
Moscow  and  the  Kharkov  governments  which  eventually  allowed  thousands  of  Mennonites  to 
emigrate  [a  total  of  about  26,000,  of  which  22,500  in  time  reached  Canada].  It  should  be  pointed 
out  that  often  Janz  was  not  alone  in  his  struggles;  men  such  as  P.  F.  Froese,  C.  F.  Klassen  and 
B.  H.  Unruh  also  played  significant  roles. 

In  1 926  Janz  had  the  feeling  that  his  usefulness  as  negotiator  was  coming  to  an  end,  and  that 
he  had  legitimate  concerns  regarding  his  own  personal  safety.  He  officially  resigned  as  chairman 
of  the  VBHH  on  March  1 1,  1926,  and  was  replaced  by  H.  F.  Dyck  of  Halbstadt.  On  May  14  he 
took  leave  at  the  Kommission  Fuer  Kirchenangelegenheiten  [KfK]  [Commission  for  Church 
Affairs]  meeting  in  Margenau.  May  24  he  said  farewell  to  his  own  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  in 
Tiege.  Fearing  that  despite  official  permission  [he  was  granted  an  exit  visa  on  April  24]  he  would 
not  be  allowed  to  leave,  Janz  had  special  agents  purchase  his  railroad  tickets  and  carry  his  baggage 
to  the  train.  His  journey  went  without  mishap,  and  he  crossed  over  to  Latvia  on  June  4.  His  family 
followed  [son  Peter  had  preceded  them  and  was  already  in  Canada],  as  did  his  parents,  although  his 
father  was  detained  for  some  months  in  Atlantic  Park,  England,  because  of  trachoma. 

The  Janz  family  at  first  resided  in  Winnipeg,  but  after  a  letter  from  the  Department  of 
Immigration  asking  Benjamin  to  settle  on  a  farm,  they  moved  to  Coaldale,  Alberta.  The  teacher 
then  had  to  become  a  farmer.  He  purchased  land  on  long  term  credit,  eventually  moved  a  small 
cottage  onto  their  property,  and  began  life  in  the  new  country. 


176 


Janz  continued  his  efforts  on  behalf  of  the  Russian  immigrants,  for  example  travelling  to 
the  Mennonite  Brethren  churches  in  the  United  States  in  March,  1 927,  to  appeal  for  funds  to  help 
the  sick  and  ailing  newcomers.  He  also  helped  the  Canadian  Mennonite  Board  of  Colonization  and 
Immigration  to  liquidate  the  debt  owed  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway. 

The  Coaldale  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  was  founded  on  May  23,  1926,  largely  by 
immigrants.  In  the  summer  of  1 928  Janz  was  asked  by  the  church  to  negotiate  a  loan,  to  attend  the 
General  Conference,  and  to  spend  two  months  on  deputation  work.  In  September  Elder  Frank 
Friesen  resigned  as  leader  of  the  church,  and  Janz  was  elected  to  succeed  him  for  an  indefinite 
period.  Two  weeks  later  the  building  of  a  new  church  began,  with  official  dedication  of  the  new 
sanctuary  on  January  27,  1929.  A  more  serious  problem  facing  Janz  was  the  spiritual  integration 
of  the  congregation.  They  were  all  Mennonite  Brethren,  but  from  widely  diverse  areas  of  the  Soviet 
Union,  with  various  usages  and  customs.  The  congregation  was  fiercely  democratic,  and  evaluated 
its  leadership  on  a  yearly  basis  -  it  admonished,  legislated  and  occasionally  humiliated  its 
shepherds.  Janz  continued  as  leader  until  1948. 

Seeing  a  need  for  Mennonite  young  people  to  be  prepared  to  enter  secular  society,  Janz 
became  instrumental  in  founding  the  Coaldale  Bible  School  [1929]  and  the  Alberta  Mennonite  High 
School  [1946]  in  Coaldale,  and  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Bible  College  [1944]  in  Winnipeg. 

As  war  with  Germany  seemed  to  be 
more  and  more  likely  Janz  tried  to  prepare 
the  way  for  Mennonite  young  men  to  be 
involved  in  some  type  of  alternate  service.  In 
this  regard  he  was  frustrated,  for  some 
Mennonite  groups  wanted  absolutely  nothing 
to  do  with  any  service  to  the  government. 

When  World  War  II  did  break  out  he  was 
able  to  negotiate  some  accommodation  for 
conscientious  objectors.  His  most  significant 
work,  however,  was  probably  in  counselling, 
particularly  through  his  friendly  and  personal 
letters  to  all  who  requested  his  help. 

After  World  War  II  Janz  was  asked 
to  minister  in  South  America,  in  Paraguay 
and  Brazil,  on  a  mission  consisting  largely  of 
reconciliation.  From  February  to  September 
in  1947  he  preached,  cajoled  and  confronted 
in  an  effort  to  bring  forgiveness  and  unity  to 
the  churches,  particularly  the  Mennonite 
Brethren. 

Janz,  throughout  his  life,  maintained 
a  wide  correspondence  “admonishing,  correcting,  and  encouraging.”  His  interests  and  concerns 
were  broad,  and  he  was  direct  and  articulate  in  the  expression  of  these  concerns.  He  was  also 
directly  involved  with  many  boards  and  committees  at  all  levels  of  church  governance.  Janz  was, 
for  example,  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Reference  and  Counsel  and  the  Board  of  Welfare  and  Public 
Relations  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  General  Conference,  and  of  similar  boards  on  the  Canadian 
and  Alberta  conferences.  His  involvement  was  ecumenical,  attested  to  by  his  work  with  the 
Mennonite  Central  Committee  and  the  Canadian  Mennonite  Board  of  Colonization  and 
Immigration. 

In  time  age  and  health  caught  up  with  even  the  B.  B.  Janz  family.  In  1945,  partly  because 


4?. 


B.  B.  Janz  writing  his  memoirs 


177 


of  the  health  of  his  wife  Maria,  they  retired  to  a  modest  cottage  just  north  of  Coaldale.  Maria’s 
health  wavered,  but  suddenly  in  1953  her  high  blood  pressure  led  to  a  heart  attack.  She  died 
October  13,  at  4:30  PM. 

Starting  in  1952  Benjamin’s  own  health  took  a  turn  for  the  worse,  beginning  with  an 
appendectomy.  He  recovered  to  some  degree,  and  resumed  his  correspondence  as  well  as  his 
attendance  at  conferences,  but  in  1957  he  had  a  “recurrence  of  an  old  malady.”  He  did  manage  to 
get  to  the  forty-seventh  General  Conference  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  North  America 
held  in  Yarrow  in  1957.  He  expressed  the  wish  to  retire  from  public  service;  he  was  eighty  years 
old  and  his  health  was  deteriorating.  The  Conference  thanked  him  for  his  long  and  faithful  sendee. 

In  subsequent  years  Janz  attended  conferences  as  he  was  able  to,  but  his  plans  were  often 
disrupted  by  hospital  admissions  and  occasionally  operations.  Towards  the  end  of  1962  it  became 
obvious  that  he  could  not  manage  alone,  so  he  accepted  his  daughter’s  invitation  to  move  to 
Abbotsford,  British  Columbia,  to  stay  with  her.  In  time,  needing  specialized  care,  he  was  admitted 
to  the  Menno  Private  Hospital  in  November,  1 963 .  Gradually  the  body  deteriorated,  leaving  Janz 
frustrated  at  not  being  able  to  participate  in  the  mainstream  of  Mennonite  life.  On  October  14, 
1964,  he  was  visited  by  H.  F.  Klassen,  and  sent  greetings  to  all  his  friends  and  acquaintances.  His 
struggles  ceased  when  he  died  October  16,  1964  at  1:30  AM.  He  had  been  predeceased  by  his  wife 
Maria,  and  his  eldest  son  Peter  who  died  tragically  in  an  automobile  accident  in  1957. 

The  funeral  was  held  in  the  Coaldale  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  on  October  20.  People 
from  all  over  Alberta  and  beyond  attended;  many  old  friends  came  to  pay  their  last  respects.  The 
service  was  led  by  David  Pankratz,  leader  of  the  Coaldale  congregation.  Granddaughter  Viola 
Wiens  was  organist,  the  German  radio  choir  sang.  Five  ministers  and  a  deacon  were  pallbearers. 
Sermons  were  delivered  by  Elder  P.  Schellenberg  of  the  Coaldale  Mennonite  Church,  J.  A.  Toews, 
faculty  member  at  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Bible  College,  Elder  J.  J.  Thiessen  of  Saskatoon,  and 
David  Pankratz.  The  obituary  was  read  by  son-in-law  David  Wiens.  Various  board  representatives 
made  presentations.  G.  H.  Sukkau  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Board  of  General  Welfare 
summarized  ,“His  unwavering  interest  in  the  spiritual  and  also  physical  welfare  of  his  fellow  man, 
of  his  Mennonite  community,  and  particularly  the  Mennonite  Brethren  made  a  deep  impression  on 
us.”  D.  K.  Duerksen,  Canadian  Conference  secretary,  echoed  the  same  sentiments  “We  are 
thankful  to  our  heavenly  father  for  the  service  that  B.  B.  Janz  has  rendered  to  our  conference  and 
the  whole  Mennonite  community.  He  may  now  rest  from  his  labours,  and  now  gazes  upon  him  in 
whom  he  believed  and  trusted.” 

Benjamin  Benjamin  Janz  was  buried  in  the  cemetery  behind  the  Coaldale  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church.  Jakob  Siemens,  long  time  assistant  of  Janz  at  the  Coaldale  church,  delivered  a 
brief  message  and  prayed  at  the  grave  side. 

The  sentiments  of  many  present  at  the  funeral  will  certainly  have  echoed  the  words  of 
Janz’s  friend  A.  A.  Wiens  when  he  wrote  “In  the  darkest  hours  of  our  Mennonites  in  Russia,  God 
gave  us  the  man  to  rescue  us,  the  recently  departed  B.  B.  Janz.  The  choice  was  God’s,  and  to  many 
he  became  the  one  who  rescued  them  in  the  time  of  great  need.” 


Sources: 

Coaldale  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  Fiftieth  Anniversary  Book,  1926-1976,  p  40 
Dick,  B.  J.,  Prediger  B.  B.  Jam ,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  4  November  1964,  pp  1,  4,  5 
Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus ,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council,  Altona, 
Canada,  1962,  many  references,  pp  39-435 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia  [Volume  V] 


178 


News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  21  October  1964,  p  1 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  28  October  1964,  p  1 
Thiessen,  Richard,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  Janz  Family  Tree 

Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  108,  1 1 1,  1 19, 120, 166,  208,  266,  277,  292,  311,  327,  341,  354,  355,  384 
388,  423 

Toews,  John  B.,  Lost  Fatherland,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  1967,  pp  51-195 
Toews,  John  B.,  With  Courage  to  Spare.  The  Life  ofB.  B.  Janz  [1877-1964],  The  Board  of 
Christian  Literature  of  the  General  Conference  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Churches 
of  North  America,  Hillsboro,  USA,  and  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1967,  pp  1-185 
Wiens,  A.  A.,  Nachruf  meinem  lieben  Lehrer,  Freund  und  Mitarbeiter,  B.  B.  Janz, 

Mennonitische  Rundschau,  1 1  November  1964,  p  2 , 1 8  November  1964,  p  2  and 
25  November  1964,  p  2 

The  memoirs  which  B.  B.  Janz  was  working  on,  and  was  even  photographed  writing,  have 
apparently  never  been  completed. 


179 


DAVID  TOEWS 

[1870-  1947] 

The  Canadian  Negotiator 


David  Toews  was  bom  on  February  9, 1 870,  in  Lysanderhoeh,  Am  Trakt  Colony,  in  Russia. 
He  was  the  fifth  of  eight  children  of  Jakob  and  Marie  [Wiebe]  Toews.  Jakob  and  Marie  had  moved 
to  Russia  from  the  Marienburger  Werder  of  West  Prussia  in  1 869.  When  David  was  ten  years  of 
age  his  father,  a  minister,  was  convinced  that  Klaas  Epp’s  interpretation  of  the  end  times  was 
correct,  and  embarked  with  Epp  on  a  long  trek  to  central  Asia  to  the  place  where  Christ  was  to  meet 
his  followers.  After  four  years  of  severe  hardships  in  Turkestan  the  Toews  family  joined  with  other 
disillusioned  people  to  leave  the  ever  more  fanatical  Epp.  Twenty  families,  via  Saratov,  Moscow, 
Smolensk,  Berlin  and  an  ocean  voyage,  emigrated  to  Newton,  Kansas.  David  completed  public 
school,  graduated  from  highschool,  then  studied  at  the  Halstead  Seminary  near  Newton.  His 
dreams  were  fulfilled  when  he  obtained  a  teaching  position.  He  taught  in  Elbing  and  Whitewater 
near  Newton,  and  in  Newton  itself.  He  then  continued  his  studies  at  Halstead,  where  he  graduated 
in  1 893 .  David  really  wanted  further  education  at  the  newly  established  Bethel  College  in  Newton. 

A  letter  from  H.  H.  Ewert,  who  had  been  his  teacher  in  Halstead,  instead  invited  David  to 
the  adventure  of  heading  north  to  teach  at  Gretna,  Manitoba.  Here  he  taught  in  public  schools  a 
number  of  years,  boarding  with  the  Ewert  family,  then  attended  Wesley  College  in  Winnipeg, 
followed  by  Normal  School.  After  that  he  taught  one  year  at  Burwalde,  near  Winkler.  Being  ever 
more  the  pioneer,  he  moved  to  Tiefengrund,  Saskatchewan,  in  1898,  as  homesteader  and  teacher. 
In  Tiefengrund  David  met  the  nineteen  year  old  Margaret  Friesen.  They  were  married  on 
September  20, 1900,  and  settled  on  the  homestead.  The  couple  had  a  total  of  nine  children,  Marie, 
Benno,  Margaretha,  Elsa,  Dora,  Louise,  Elma,  Anna  and  Irene  [eight  girls  and  one  boy]. 

In  1888  David  had  been  baptized  upon  his 
faith  at  Newton,  by  his  father.  He  was  ordained  as 
minister  in  Tiefengrund  on  August  18,  1901.  He 
took  his  faith  and  his  responsibilities  very  seriously. 

One  bitterly  cold  day  he  was  supposed  to  preach  in  a 
school  about  five  miles  from  his  home.  Unable  to 
obtain  a  team  of  horses  he  walked  through  the  storm. 

Upon  arriving  he  found  no  one  there,  but  a  note  on 
the  blackboard  announced  “There  will  be  no  service 
because  the  minister  cannot  come.”  David  added  a 
few  words  “David  Toews  was  here.”  Then  he 
walked  home  again.  In  1913  he  was  ordained  as 
elder  of  the  large  Rosenort  congregation,  retaining 
the  position  until  he  retired  in  1 946.  The  government 
and  the  CPR  officials  called  him  “Bishop”  although 
he  was  never  given  that  title  by  the  church.  From 
1914  to  1935,  then  again  from  1937  to  1940  he  was 
chairman  of  the  Conference  of  Mennonites  in 
Canada,  and  for  many  years  held  a  great  variety  of 
executive  positions. 

From  1901  to  1904  Toews  taught  school  in 
Eigenheim,  but  always  with  a  feeling  that  there 
needed  to  be  further  education  for  Christian  young 


David  Toews  [1870  -  1947] 


180 


people  in  the  area.  These  dreams  came  to  fruition,  with  Toews  playing  a  significant  role,  when  the 
German-English  Academy  was  established  in  Rosthem.  Opening  of  the  school  was  held  on 
November  14,  1905,  with  24  students  the  first  year.  Herman  Fast  was  the  first  teacher,  but  within 
a  year  Toews  joined  the  staff,  continuing  as  teacher  until  1917.  He  was  not  only  a  teacher,  but  also 
the  chief  fund  raiser.  New  facilities  were  desperately  needed  for  the  school.  A  new  two  story  red 
brick  building  was  dedicated  in  1910,  funds  largely  derived  by  the  personal  efforts  of  Toews.  In 
1946  the  name  of  the  school  was  changed  to  Rosthem  Junior  College. 

When  World  War  I  broke  out  in  1914  David  had  an  additional  burden  to  deal  with  -  the 
problem  of  non-resistant  Mennonites  in  a  country  at  war.  He  advised  many  young  men  on  the 
proper  Christian  course  of  action,  he  wrote  articles  explaining  the  principle  and  spoke  at  public 
meetings.  His  position  made  him  some  fierce  enemies  in  the  surrounding  community. 

Those  with  a  heavy  work  load  often  experience  the  joy  of  having  further  challenges  thrust 
upon  them.  Three  delegates  sent  from  the  USSR  asked  for  initiation  of  arrangements  for  a  large 
number  of  Mennonites  to  leave  the  Soviet  Union,  and  to  possibly  settle  in  Canada.  After  a  series 
of  meetings  David  was  elected  chairman  and  chief  executive  officer  of  the  newly  formed  Canadian 
Mennonite  Board  of  Colonization,  with  Rosthem  designated  the  administrative  centre.  With  this 
appointment  began  a  long  and  arduous  task. 

David’s  negotiations  included  direct  meetings  with  Prime  Minister  William  Lyon 
Mackenzie  King  in  Ottawa,  who  helped  rescind  the  order-in-council  prohibiting  Mennonite 
immigration.  He  also  became  well  acquainted  with  Colonel  J.  S.  Dennis,  Chief  Commissioner, 
Department  of  Colonization  and  Development  of  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway,  with  whom  he 
eventually  worked  out  agreements  which  would  allow  a  large  number  of  Mennonites  to  come  to 
Canada  on  credit.  July  21,  1923,  was  a  great  day  when  a  long  passenger  train  pulled  into  Rosthem 
with  the  first  group  of  700  immigrants.  Through  the  negotiations  of  David  Toews  and  those 
working  with  him,  also  through  the  tireless  work  of  B.  B.  Janz  and  others  in  the  Soviet  Union,  about 
22,500  Mennonite  refugees  were  able  to  come  to  Canada  in  the  1920s. 

After  the  migration  was  complete  the  debt  [ Reiseschuld]  owed  the  Canadian  Pacific 
Railway  still  had  to  be  paid  off.  Total  credit  advanced  by  January  1,  1 93 1 ,  including  principal  and 
interest  was  $  1 ,924,727.  A  total  of  $884,000  had  been  paid,  leaving  a  balance  of  $  1 ,040,727.  Most 
refugees,  despite  the  difficult  times  during  the  depression,  tried  as  hard  as  they  could  to  pay  their 
share.  Gathering  funds  was  a  personal  crusade  for  David,  since  he  in  good  faith  had  negotiated  the 
loan  in  a  time  of  need.  The  work  of  collecting  for  the  debt  eventually  was  taken  up  by  others,  and 
on  November  19,  1946  he  could  be  told  that  it  was  paid  in  full. 

A  number  of  personal  events  affected  the  life  of  David  Toews.  In  1926  tragedy  struck  the 
Toews  family.  One  December  morning  fire  broke  out  in  their  home,  and  all  escaped  except  the  five 
year  old  Irene.  She  was  so  burned  before  she  was  rescued  by  David  that  she  died  the  following  day. 
In  the  attempt  to  save  Irene,  David  himself  was  also  injured,  and  had  to  be  hospitalized.  He  was 
still  there  four  days  later  when  Irene  was  buried. 

David  Toews,  together  with  C.  F.  Klassen,  travelled  to  the  second  Mennonite  World  Relief 
Conference,  held  in  Danzig  in  1 930.  He  himself  delivered  two  lectures  dealing  with  the  emigration 
of  the  Mennonites  from  Russia.  He  also  attended  the  next  world  conference  held  in  Amsterdam 
in  1936,  again  with  C.  F.  Klassen.  His  topic  on  this  occasion  was  “The  Mennonites  in  Canada  in 
History  and  at  the  Present  Time.” 

In  1937  David  Toews  achieved  something  that  he  had  long  desired,  but  in  a  different  way. 
When  he  had  left  for  Canada  his  intentions  were  to  return  to  Bethel  College  in  Newton  for  further 
studies.  Bethel  College  now  conferred  on  him  an  honorary  Doctor  of  Divinity  degree  in  recognition 
of  his  many  years  of  selfless  service  to  the  Mennonite  community. 

By  the  1940s  David  Toews  was  a  tired  man.  He  had  problems  with  deafness,  kidney 


181 


ailments  and  diabetes.  His  wife  Margaret  died  from  cancer  on  July  14,  1941,  leaving  him  very 
lonely.  She  had  always  been  the  centre  of  family  activities,  especially  when  David  had  been  away 
on  his  many  trips.  In  1946  David’s  health  was  failing  rapidly,  to  the  extent  that  he  was  hospitalized 
for  some  periods.  In  February,  1947,  he  suffered  a  stroke,  and  he  died  on  Tuesday,  February  25, 
in  his  own  home  in  Rosthem. 

In  his  funeral  address  J.  J.  Thiessen,  close  friend  of  David’s  and  at  that  time  moderator  of 
the  Conference  of  Mennonites,  gave  a  good  summary  of  the  contribution  of  this  Canadian 
negotiator.  “Because  of  his  tolerant  attitude  he  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  other  Mennonite 
denominations,  which  was  particularly  meaningful,  as  the  resettlement  of  the  Russian  Mennonites 
was  planned  and  executed. ..many  supported  him  with  their  prayers,  gifts  and 
hospitality.. .Leadership  in  immigration  and  the  liquidation  of  the  Reiseschuld  as  well  as  other  tasks 
connected  with  his  work  brought  him  many  a  sleepless  night,  much  work,  and  heavy  burdens,  but 
also  a  deep  satisfaction.” 

No  wonder  David  Toews  was  called  the  “Moses  of  the  Mennonites.” 


Sources: 

Dyck,  Cornelius,  J.,  Twelve  Becoming,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1973,  Chapter  Five, 
David  Toews,  1870-1947,  pp  51-60 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus ,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council, 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  many  references,  pp  60-481 
Friesen,  Helene  Sarah,  David  Toews:  A  Brief  Sketch  of  His  Life  and  Work,  1870-1947 , 
Mennonite  Heritage  Centre,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1997,  pp  1-16 
Lohrenz,  Gerhard,  Heritage  Remembered,  CMBC  Publications,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1974,  p  192 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  53,  75,  78 

Springer,  Nelson  P.,  and  Klassen,  A.  J.,  Mennonite  Bibliography  1631-1961,  Herald  Press, 
Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada,  1977,  p  28 


182 


EMIGRATION  OF  MENNONITES 
FROM  THE  SOVIET  UNION 

In  the  1920s  and  Early  1930s 


YEAR 

Escaping  prior  to 

CREDIT 

PASSENGERS 

CASH 

PASSENGERS 

TOTAL 

1923,  many  as 
fleeing  soldiers 

About  500 

1923 

2,759 

- 

2,759 

1924 

3,894 

1,154 

5,048 

1924-26  Mexico 

- 

- 

About  500 

1925 

2,171 

1,601 

3,772 

1926 

2,479 

3,461 

5,940 

1927 

340 

507 

847 

1928 

408 

103 

511 

1929 

1,009 

10 

1,019 

1930 

1929-32  via 

294 

11 

305 

camps  in 

Germany 

1930-33  via 

About  4,000 

Harbin,  China 

- 

- 

About  800 

TOTAL 

TOTAL  TO 
CANADA 
[directly  or 
indirectly] 

13,354 

6,847 

About  26,000 

About  22,500 

Sources: 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus ,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council, 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  p  282 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life ,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  p  288 


183 


TRACHOMA 


Trachoma  was  the  single  most  common  disease  which  complicated  the  emigration  of 
Mennonites  from  Russia  to  Canada.  At  the  time  of  emigration  there  was  no  known  effective  cure 
for  the  condition. 

Trachoma  is  a  chronic  inflammatory  disease  of  the  eye  caused  by  Chlamydia  trachomatis , 
an  organism  in  character  somewhere  between  bacteria  and  virus.  The  disease  occurs  especially  in 
crowded  circumstances,  with  poor  sanitation,  being  transmitted  by  personal  contact  with  infected 
eye  secretions  or  by  the  common  use  of  towels.  It  is  almost  universal  in  the  Middle  East  [especially 
in  Egypt],  and  has  spread  to  Asia  including  India,  Africa  as  well  as  Central  and  South  America. 
It  is  one  of  the  oldest  diseases  known  to  man,  and  the  largest  single  cause  of  blindness  in  the  world. 

In  trachoma  the  conjunctiva  [the  lining  inside  the  eyelids  and  over  the  white  of  the  eye] 
becomes  thickened  and  roughened.  Later  little  lumps,  like  grains  of  sand,  appear,  and  scars  form. 
This  may  cause  the  eyelids  to  buckle,  especially  the  upper  one.  The  condition  may  also  spread  to 
the  cornea  [the  clear  part  of  the  eye  over  the  iris  and  pupil],  causing  blood  vessels  and  scarring  to 
grow  in.  Both  the  deformity  of  the  eyelids  and  the  corneal  involvement  may  cause  blindness. 

In  1957  the  trachoma  organism  was  first  grown  in  the  laboratory,  allowing  study  and 
development  of  treatment  modalities.  Sulfa  drugs  are  curative  for  this  condition  as  well  as  some 
antibiotics.  Tetracycline  and  erythromycin  may  be  used  orally  [pills,  by  mouth]  or  topically 
[ointment],  often  requiring  up  to  1 8  months  of  treatment.  The  only  treatment  available  in  the  1 920s 
was  prevention,  such  as  improved  sanitation,  and  strict  quarantine  [especially  prohibiting  the  use 
of  common  towels].  One  can  certainly  understand  the  reluctance  of  the  Canadian  government  to 
accept  immigrants  with  active  trachoma  at  that  time.  Surgery  would  consist  of  removing  the 
deforming  scar  tissue  from  the  eyelid  ’  but  it  was  definitely  not  a  cure  for  the  disease. 


Sources: 

Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  15th  Edition,  Macro,  7,  p  118;  Micro,  X,  p  80 
Wilson,  Louis  A.,  Editor,  External  Diseases  of  the  Eye,  Harper  and  Row,  Hagerstown,  USA, 
1979,  pp  64-69.  Apparently  there  have  been  few  new  developments  since  that  time 


184 


CANADIAN  PACIFIC  SHIPS 


Most  of  the  emigrants  from  the  USSR  to  Canada  in  the  1920s  travelled  by  arrangements 
made  with  Canadian  Pacific.  The  first  group  to  leave  the  Molotschna  actually  boarded  ship  in 
Libau,  Latvia,  and  disembarked  in  Quebec  City,  having  spent  the  entire  time  on  Canadian  Pacific 
vessels. 

The  group  boarded  the  S.  S.  Marglen  on  July  2,  1924,  and  going  through  the  Kiel  Canal 
landed  in  Antwerp  on  July  7.  This  ship  was  built  by  Harland  &  Wolff  Ltd.,  of  Belfast.  She  was 
10,3 19  gross  tons,  515  feet  long,  60  feet  wide.  There  was  one  funnel  and  two  masts.  Her  speed 
was  14  knots.  She  had  been  launched  May  7, 1 899  as  the  Statendam  for  the  Holland  America  Line. 
In  191 1  she  was  acquired  by  the  Allan  Line,  being  renamed  Scotian,  and  was  used  as  a  troop  ship 
in  1914.  In  1915  Canadian  Pacific  bought  the  vessel,  refurbishing  the  cabins  and  engines  in  1920. 
There  were  304  cabin  and  542  third  class  berths.  On  November  16,  1922  she  was  renamed  the 
S.  S.  Marglen.  She  was  obviously  used  on  the  Baltic  Sea  and  the  North  Sea  in  the  1920s,  but  then 
on  December  30,  1927  she  was  sold  to  D.  L.  Pittaluga  of  Genoa,  for  scrap. 

From  the  S.  S.  Marglen  the  Molotschna  group  boarded  the  S.  S.  Minnedosa  in  Antwerp,  the 
voyage  across  the  ocean  to  Quebec  City  lasting  from  July  9  to  July  17.  The  S.  S.  Minnedosa  was 
built  for  Canadian  Pacific  by  Barclay  Curie  &  Co.  of  Scotstoun.  She  was  13,972  gross  tons,  520 
feet  long  by  67  feet  wide.  She  had  two  funnels  and  two  masts.  Her  speed  was  17  knots.  There 
were  490  cabin  and  1,300  tourist  berths.  She  was  launched  October  17, 1917  and  used  initially  to 
transport  troops.  She  was  refitted  in  1925,  then  in  time  sold  for  scrap  in  1935.  Before  hitting  the 
scrap  yard,  however,  she  was  bought  by  the  Italia  Line  for  use  as  a  troop  ship  under  the  name 
Piedmonte.  In  November  of  1942  she  was  torpedoed  near  Messina,  but  survived.  On  August  15, 
1943  she  was  scuttled  in  Messina,  presumably  by  the  Germans,  to  prevent  her  capture  by  the  Allies. 
Then  in  1949  she  was  raised,  and  on  July  27  towed  to  Spezia  for  scrap. 

The  S.  S.  Minnedosa  had  a  sister  ship,  the  S.  S.  Melita,  also  owned  by  Canadian  Pacific, 
and  also  used  by  many  Mennonites  to  cross  the  ocean.  The  ships  were  of  identical  appearance,  and 
had  identical  passenger  capacity,  although  for  some  reason  the  Minnedosa  had  a  slight  weight 
advantage,  5  gross  tons.  In  1935  Melita  was  also  sold  for  scrap,  was  also  bought  by  the  Italia  Line. 
She  served  as  a  troop  ship  under  the  name  Liguria.  She  was  scuttled  January  22,  1941,  after  being 
set  on  fire  by  an  air  attack  at  Tobruk.  She  was  raised  and  in  September,  1 950  towed  to  Savona  for 
scrap. 


Sources: 

Canadian  Pacific  Archives,  Jo-Anne  Colby,  System  Co-ordinator,  Letter,  26  July  1999 


185 


27.  MURDER  AT  MIDNIGHT 
AUGUST  24, 1926 

Emigration  was  in  the  air.  Some  Mennonites  definitely  felt  that  the  only  safety  lay 
in  Canada,  as  far  as  possible  from  the  Bolsheviks.  Others  still  hoped  for  improvement  in 
their  situation,  and  were  willing  to  wait.  Each  family  in  Hierschau,  Molotschna  Colony, 
had  its  own  struggle,  its  own  set  of  circumstances  to  deal  with,  its  own  decision  to  make 
regarding  emigration. 

Gertrude  Willms,  owner  of  Wirtschaft  30,  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would 
be  better  for  her  family  to  grow  up  in  Canada.  Before  Gertrude  died  in  1 924  she  discussed 
emigration  with  Peter  Dyck,  who  lived  in  the  third  Wirtschaft  down  the  street.  The  families 
would  travel  together.  After  she  died  her  children,  despite  strong  opposition  from  relatives, 
continued  working  on  plans  to  leave.  Eventually,  in  August  of  1 926,  these  plans  came  to 
fruition.  The  extended  family  which  intended  to  leave  were  Aron  and  Maria  Wall  [Maria 
was  Gertrude’s  daughter],  and  their  children  Johann  and  Katharina  Wall,  as  well  as 
Elisabeth,  Gertrude,  Johann,  Katharina  and  Aganetha  of  the  Willms  family.  One  brother 
Heinrich  had  previously  escaped  to  the  United  States  via  Yugoslavia,  another  brother, 
Gerhard,  was  unable  to  accompany  the  family  because  he  was  of  military  age. 

Peter  and  Katharina  Dyck  of  Wirtschaft  27,  their  ten  children,  as  well  as  Peter’s 
mother  Margaretha  and  his  sister  Aganetha  also  planned  to  depart  at  the  same  time. 
Another  family,  the  Peter  Spensts  had  also  decided  to  emigrate. 

The  three  families  held  a  combined  auction.  Since  the  Willms  yard  was  the  largest, 
the  auction  was  held  there.  The  Willms  Wirtschaft  had  already  been  sold,  as  well  as  the 
stationary  engine,  so  the  sale  involved  only  the  household  goods,  furniture  and  farm 
machinery. 

August  24,  1926,  was  a  beautiful  sunny  day.  The  air  was  filled  with  excitement  as 
a  large  crowd  of  Mennonites  and  neighbouring  Ukrainians  and  Russians  gathered  for  the 
auction.  Susanna  Peters,  a  relative  from  Landskrone,  had  even  come  to  the  Willms  farm 
to  make  borscht;  she  then  sold  bowls  of  the  delicious  steaming  soup  to  the  hungry 
participants.  Articles  sold  well.  One  beautiful  doll,  no  longer  needed  by  an  owner  grown 
up,  fetched  18  rubles.  Various  items  brought  good  prices,  perhaps  helped  by  the 
predominant  attitude  in  Hierschau  that  conditions  would  eventually  improve.  In  the  crowd 
a  few  enquiries  were  made  as  to  who  was  the  boss  of  the  operation,  and  what  did  he  look 
like,  but  no  one  paid  any  attention. 

In  the  evening,  after  the  last  customer  had  left  the  yard,  the  money  was  taken  to  the 
Grosse  Stube  of  the  Willms  house,  and  the  counting  began.  Aron  Wall,  Peter  Dyck  and  two 
other  relatives,  Gerhard  Plett  and  Johann  Neufeld  worked  hard  to  complete  the  task.  With 
night  falling  preparations  were  made  to  settle  everyone  down.  Four  or  five  Russians,  far 
from  home,  were  put  up  in  the  Nebenhaus.  The  Wall  family,  as  well  as  Susanna  Peters, 
were  in  the  Sommer  Stube.  Others  were  distributed  in  various  rooms  as  space  could  be 
found,  since  there  were  almost  20  people  to  be  accommodated. 

In  the  meantime,  knowing  there  would  be  a  large  amount  of  money  in  the  house, 
and  knowing  that  others  far  and  wide  would  be  aware  of  this,  security  measures  were  taken. 


186 


Quite  a  few  of  people  were  staying  at  the  Willms  place,  hoping  for  safety  in  numbers;  Peter 
Dyck  and  his  son  Franz,  for  example,  intended  to  stay  for  the  night.  Four  young  men  were 
to  watch  the  door  -  Johann  Willms,  Franz  Dyck,  the  night  watchman  Franz  Siemens,  and 
a  Neudorf  boy.  They  would  let  the  people  in  the  house  know  if  anything  was  happening. 
Peter  Dyck  and  Aron  Wall  would  lie  down  on  a  bench  in  the  Grosse  Stube. 

Some  of  the  Willms  girls  visited  their  cousins  that  evening,  staying  quite  late  since 
it  was  likely  their  last  visit.  They  walked  home  and  got  to  bed  at  midnight.  Just  as  they 
were  falling  asleep,  Aron  Wall  came  into  the  room  and  pushed  a  box  containing  the  auction 
money  under  one  of  their  beds.  The  counting  had  been  completed,  Gerhard  Plett  and 
Johann  Neufeld  headed  for  home  and  Aron  Wall  and  Peter  Dyck  lay  down  in  the  Grosse 
Stube.  Before  going  to  sleep  Peter  Dyck  thanked  his  heavenly  Father  for  the  blessings  of 
the  day,  and  requested  protection  for  his  family  for  the  night. 

The  Neudorf  boy  had  gone  home,  so  the  three  remaining  watchmen  stayed  outside 
the  front  door,  sitting  on  the  porch  benches.  Through  the  night  air  they  heard  the  creaking 
of  a  wagon  off  in  the  distance  in  the  direction  of  Waldheim.  They  were  discussing  what  to 
do  should  it  come  closer  to  Hierschau  when  suddenly  they  were  attacked.  It  was  pitch  dark, 
so  the  group  of  men  had  no  trouble  sneaking  around  the  front  comer  of  the  house  to  surprise 
them.  Franz  Siemens,  the  official  night  watchman,  got  up  and  ran.  He  was  shot  in  the 
middle  of  the  yard,  but  survived,  for  the  bullet  just  grazed  his  scalp.  Johann  Willms  and 
Franz  Dyck  tried  to  wake  up  those  inside  the  house  by  pounding  on  the  front  door,  and  also 
tried  to  get  into  the  house,  but  all  the  doors  had  been  bolted  from  the  inside.  The  thieves 
clubbed  both  of  them  with  the  butts  of  their  guns,  until  they  fell  unconscious  and  were  left 
for  dead. 

By  this  time  Aron  Wall  and  Peter  Dyck  were  awake,  and  Aron  asked  Peter  to  follow 
him.  Aron  ran  through  the  various  rooms  waking  people.  He  came  through  the  Kleine 
Stube  and  cried  out  “Girls,  get  up  and  save  your  lives!  Rim  for  your  lives!”  Hearing  all  the 
screaming,  cursing,  shooting  and  flying  glass,  Katharina  wondered  in  a  dazed  state,  if  she 
may  have  awakened  in  hell !  But  Elisabeth  took  her  younger  sisters  Katharina  and  Aganetha 
by  the  hand  and  headed  for  the  back  door.  As  they  reached  it  they  heard  a  shot,  then  a 
falling  body.  Obviously  the  back  door  was  not  the  way  to  go.  They  headed  toward  the 
hallway  which  led  to  the  bam.  They  tried  to  hide  up  in  the  attic,  but  Gerhard  Willms, 
shotgun  in  hand,  barred  the  way.  He  would  not  let  them  go  up  because  of  the  danger  to 
their  lives,  should  the  house  be  set  on  fire.  “Try  to  get  out  through  the  bam,”  he  said.  They 
ran  into  the  bam  and  hid  among  the  horses.  By  that  time  there  were  bandits  in  the  house 
and  bam,  probably  coming  through  a  broken  window.  They  were  screaming  at  the  girls, 
telling  them  to  come  out.  There  was  only  one  escape  -  through  the  door  leading  to  the 
Scheme,  and  the  bandits  were  shooting  at  it.  With  the  bandits  coming  ever  closer  and  the 
horses  increasingly  restless,  the  three  girls  made  a  break  for  it.  They  somehow  got  through 
the  door,  then  hid  under  a  threshing  machine  in  the  Scheme.  From  there  they  squeezed 
through  a  gap  in  the  boards  of  a  side  wall,  then  ran  out  to  the  back  garden.  They  could  still 
hear  the  shooting  and  screaming,  so  they  ran  behind  the  gardens  to  the  home  of  the  Peter 
Warkentins,  old  friends  of  the  family.  Peter  Warkentin  knelt  down  and  prayed  that 
somebody  else  might  survive,  for  at  the  time  the  girls  thought  that  they  may  have  been  the 


187 


only  ones  alive. 

Maria  Wall  and  her  two  young  children,  Johann  and  Katharina,  were  rudely 
awakened  by  the  noise,  the  children  frightened  and  crying.  Susanna  Peters  took  Johann  in 
her  arms,  Maria  took  Katharina.  Maria  tried  to  calm  down  the  infant  and  headed  for  the 
bam.  There  she  managed  to  quieten  Katharina  enough,  so  that  the  two  of  them  remained 
undiscovered. 

Susanna  Peters,  with  Johann  in  her  arms,  in  the  meantime  headed  for  the  back  door, 
where  she  was  attacked  by  bandits.  Little  Johann  called  out  for  “ Papa  en  de  Somma  Stov ” 
[Low  German:  Father  in  the  summer  room].  Obviously  understanding  Low  Gemian,  and 
wanting  to  find  the  man  in  charge,  the  bandits  headed  for  the  Somma  Stov.  In  the  meantime, 
Johann  still  in  her  arms,  Susanna  headed  out  the  back  door.  When  the  bandits  found, 
however,  that  there  was  no  one  in  the  Somma  Stov,  they  caught  up  with  Susanna  in  the  front 
garden.  They  beat  her  about  the  head,  pulled  her  by  her  long  hair,  and  fired  off  a  gun  near 
her  head.  This  undoubtedly  ruptured  Susanna’s  eardrums,  thereby  causing  deafness. 
Falling  unconscious,  she  dropped  Johann,  who  had  also  received  some  of  the  blows.  With 
bloody  head  and  back  the  two-year-old  Johann  crawled  to  the  neighbouring  hedge  to  hide, 
and  kept  calling  out  for  help. 

Aron  Wall  and  Peter  Dyck,  hearing  the  first  sounds  of  the  bandit  attack,  headed  from 
the  Grosse  Stube  to  the  Eck  Stube,  from  which  Aron  proceeded  to  the  Kleine  Stube.  Peter 
Dyck  had  not  followed  him  all  the  way,  but  tried  to  escape  through  the  window  of  the  Eck 
Stube.  Obviously  the  whole  house  was  surrounded  by  bandits,  for  as  he  was  jumping 
through  the  window  a  shot  rang  out,  and  Peter  was  hit  in  the  head.  Probably  dead 
instantaneously,  his  body  fell  out  through  the  window,  fragments  of  his  brain  and  skull  were 
spattered  inside  the  house.  This  was  almost  surely  the  shot  and  falling  body  the  Willms 
girls  had  heard. 

Gerhard  Willms,  in  the  meantime,  still  in  the  attic  with  his  shotgun,  hearing  the 
screaming,  cursing  and  shooting  below,  fired  a  shot  through  the  front  window.  The  bandits 
heard  this  shot,  and  possibly  recognizing  that  it  was  not  one  of  their  own  guns,  became 
wary.  They  had  not  counted  on  finding  so  many  screaming  occupants  around  every  comer 
of  the  house.  As  suddenly  as  they  had  attacked,  they  now  departed.  Without  having  found 
the  boss  or  the  money,  they  hopped  into  their  wagon,  possibly  dragging  one  of  their  number 
along  [a  trail  of  blood  was  later  discovered  in  the  house;  it  was  thought  that  perhaps  one  of 
the  bandits  had  been  hit  by  one  of  their  own  stray  bullets].  The  wagon  headed  in  the 
direction  of  Waldheim.  By  this  time  the  whole  village  had  been  awakened,  and  from  the 
amount  of  shooting  that  had  occurred,  it  was  assumed  that  there  were  few  survivors.  The 
rumour  spread  that  the  entire  Willms  family  had  been  murdered. 

When  it  became  apparent  that  the  bandits  had  left  for  good,  each  individual  or  small 
group,  thinking  that  maybe  they  were  the  only  survivors,  started  coming  out  of  hiding.  This 
included  the  Russians  who  had  been  sleeping  in  the  Nebenhaus.  At  first  suspected  of  being 
part  of  the  bandit  group,  they  had  actually  been  as  terrified  as  everyone  else.  Some  of  them 
had  hidden  inside  the  bake  oven,  pulling  the  grate  shut  behind  them  for  protection.  Johann 
Willms  and  Franz  Dyck  regained  consciousness,  although  they  were  still  bleeding  from 
their  head  wounds.  Young  Johann  Wall  was  rescued  from  the  hedge.  But  the  body  of  Peter 


188 


Nebenhaus,  where  the 
Russians  slept,  then 
hid  in  the  stove 


Money  was  counted  here, 
then  Aron  Wall  and 
Peter  Dyck  lay 
down  on  the  .  a  c=  = 


Bandits  came  around 
the  comer,  surprising 
the  three  watchmen 


Grosse 

Stube 


Kleine 

Stube 


Franz  Siemens  got  up 
and  ran,  but  was  shot 
in  the  middle  of  the  yard 


Johann  Willms,  Franz  Dyck  and 
Franz  Siemens  sat  on  the 
benches  on  the  porch  and 
talked.  Johann  Willms  and 
Franz  Dyck,  when  they  were 
attacked,  were  clubbed  with 
gun  butts  and  left  for  dead 


Sommer  Stube 
[Somma  Stov\ 


■'  Bam 


-  Peter  Dyck  tried  to  jump 
out  the  window.  He  was 
shot  in  the  head,  his 
body  fell  outside 


■  Money  hidden  under  a 
bed  in  the  Kleine  Stube 


Front  Garden 


Susanna  Peters, 
holding  Johann  Wall, 
tried  to  escape  out 
the  back  door,  but 
was  caught  and 
beaten.  Johann 
crawled  into  the 
hedge 


Scheune 


Garden 


Elisabeth  with  Katharina  and 
Aganetha  tried  the  back  door,  then 
escaped  through  the  bam  and 
Scheune  to  the  garden,  then  to  the 
Peter  Warkentins 


189 


Dyck  remained  still,  and  was  covered  where  it  lay. 

The  police  were  summoned,  and  soon  arrived.  They  wanted  everything  left  the  way 
it  was,  including  the  body  of  Peter  Dyck,  until  a  bloodhound  arrived  from  Melitopol.  When 
the  dog  was  finally  brought  later  in  the  day,  he  followed  the  trail  to  Waldheim,  then 
northward.  Arriving  at  a  house  apparently  occupied  only  by  an  elderly  lady,  the  hound  lost 
interest  in  the  trail  when  she  gave  him  a  large  piece  of  meat. 

Together  with  the  police,  medical  help  came  from  Waldheim  to  administer  first  aid 
to  the  victims.  With  the  first  light  of  day  the  more  seriously  bruised  and  bleeding  were 
loaded  onto  three  wagons  and  taken  to  Dr.  Wiebe  in  Lichtfelde.  Other  patients  were  already 
waiting  for  the  doctor,  but  when  they  saw  the  condition  of  the  new  arrivals,  they  allowed 
them  to  be  attended  first.  Bleeding  was  stopped,  wounds  were  cleansed,  and  heads  were 
bound  up. 

Katharina  Dyck,  wife  of  Peter,  had  heard  the  shots  and  screaming  at  the  Willms 
Wirtschaft,  and  was  told  that  Aron  Wall  had  been  shot.  When  she  came  to  see  what  had 
happened  and  to  offer  condolences,  she  found  to  her  horror  that  her  own  husband  had  been 
killed.  After  the  bloodhound  had  arrived,  and  the  police  were  finished  with  their 
investigation,  Peter’s  body  could  finally  be  moved  and  prepared  for  burial.  He  himself  had 
been  the  village  mortician;  now  someone  else  had  to  perform  that  duty. 

Plans  had  previously  been  made  for  the  Willms  and  Dycks  to  leave  for  Canada  a  day 
or  two  after  the  auction.  These  plans  were  now  changed.  The  Willms  decided  to  wait  so 
that  they  could  be  at  the  funeral  of  Peter  Dyck,  while  the  Dyck  family  had  to  update  the 
documentation  before  they  could  depart.  The  funeral  was  held  on  August  27,  with 
widespread  participation.  Mrs.  Dyck  put  on  a  brave  front,  but  the  younger  children  cried 
uncontrollably. 

The  Willms  family  was  afraid  that  the  bandits  might  strike  again,  so  they  stayed  in 
hiding  with  relatives  and  friends,  although  they  did  go  to  Peter  Dyck’s  funeral.  On 
September  6  they  gathered,  and  were  taken  to  a  more  distant  railroad  station,  since  they 
were  afraid  of  being  spotted  at  Stulnevo,  the  nearest,  most  convenient  point  of  departure. 
Gerhard  Willms,  the  one  brother  who  was  staying  behind,  drove  them  to  the  station.  From 
there  they  headed  north  to  Moscow,  then  on  to  Canada..  They  arrived  in  Rosthem, 
Saskatchewan,  on  October  6,  one  month  after  they  had  left  Hierschau. 

The  Dyck  family,  minus  Peter,  had  their  documents  changed  and  followed  one  week 
later.  They  also  arrived  in  Rosthem,  on  October  1 2,  with  son  Franz  being  delayed  several 
months. 

In  1970,  about  forty-four  years  after  the  murder  of  Peter  Dyck,  an  anonymous 
request  came  from  Russia  through  a  third  party,  requesting  the  forgiveness  of  the  Dyck 
family.  By  then  the  wife,  Katharina,  had  died,  but  the  Dyck  children  gladly  accepted  the 
apology  of  a  man  whose  conscience  was  bothering  him  for  having  participated  in  the 
attempted  robbery  which  resulted  in  the  tragic  death  of  their  father. 


190 


Sources: 

Dyck  [Dueck],  Aganetha,  letter,  Der  Herold,  23  September  1926 
Dyck,  Ernest,  son  of  Peter  Dyck,  Personal  letter  and  Interview 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  291-299 

News  Reports,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  22  September  1926,  p  8;  6  October  1926,  p  10 
Personal  Interviews,  the  Willms  siblings;  Maria  Wall,  Johann  Willms,  Gertrude  Baerg, 
Katharina  Huebert  and  Aganetha  Toews 


191 


28.  AT  THE  GATES  OF  MOSCOW 
SEPTEMBER  TO  DECEMBER,  1929 


“Mennonites  refused  admission  to  Canada;  Germany  in  doubt  as  to  policy  in  regard 
to  them,  so  Soviet  ships  them  back  to  Siberia.”  This  headline  from  the  New  York  Times 
of  December  1 ,  1 929  in  a  few  words  encapsulates  the  fate  of  many  Mennonites  during  that 
period.  Over  thirteen  thousand  refugees,  including  many  Mennonites,  but  also  Lutherans 
and  Roman  Catholics,  gathered  in  Moscow  in  a  desperate  attempt  to  leave  the  USSR. 
Obtaining  exit  visas  was  one  problem,  but  finding  entrance  into  another  country  presented 
another  obstacle.  Canada  was  unwilling  to  accept  more  refugees,  Germany  was  near 
economic  collapse,  so  the  Soviets  simply  shipped  those  not  accepted  back  home,  or  into 
exile. 

When  the  Bolsheviks  first  swept  into  power  they  immediately  began  implementing 
their  basic  philosophy,  such  as  confiscation  and  collectivization  of  land,  taking  over  the 
schools,  preaching  the  atheist  doctrine.  When  the  economic  state  of  the  country  seemed  to 
be  heading  toward  disaster,  the  New  Economic  Policy  was  implemented;  it  brought  a 
temporary  relaxation  of  these  policies.  Hopes  for  reconstruction  even  interested  some  of 
the  Mennonites.  Two  organizations  were  involved  in  the  Mennonite  reaction,  the  Verband 
Buerger  Hollandischer  Herkunft  [VBHH]  representing  the  60,000  Mennonites  in  Ukraine, 
and  the  All-Russischer  Mennonitischer  Landwirtshaftsverein  [AMLV]  covering  the 
Mennonites  of  all  other  regions  of  Russia.  Two  German  language  papers  were  begun, 
Unser  Blatt  in  Ukraine,  and  Der  Landwirt  as  a  publication  of  the  AMLV. 

Even  while  the  New  Economic  Policy  was  in  effect,  the  State  Planning  Commission 
was  drafting  strategy  for  the  first  Five-Year  Plan.  This  plan  was  to  come  into  operation  at 
the  end  of  1928,  but  unofficially  was  begun  in  1925-1926.  There  were  increasing 
restrictions  on  religious  freedom,  and  ever  decreasing  exemption  from  military  service.  The 
VBHH  and  the  AMLV  were  dissolved  by  government  action,  and  as  early  as  the  spring  of 
1926  it  was  becoming  increasingly  difficult  to  secure  passports  to  leave  the  country.  With 
additional  roadblocks  for  departure  only  847  Mennonites  reached  Canada  in  1927,  and  511 
in  1928. 

The  first  Five-Year  Plan  was  officially  introduced  on  October  1,  1928.  The 
objectives  most  affecting  the  Mennonites  were  collectivization  of  the  land,  renewed  attacks 
on  religion,  continued  control  of  the  schools,  with  the  indoctrination  that  entailed.  Those 
who  owned  land  or  businesses  were  declared  kulaks ,  and  were  totally  disenfranchised  or 
sent  into  exile.  Now  almost  all  Mennonites  felt  that  they  had  no  future  in  the  Soviet  Union. 
Requests  for  help  poured  in  to  people  such  as  B.  H.  Unruh  in  Germany,  David  Toews  in 
Canada  and  to  the  Mennonite  Central  Committee. 

In  desperation  29  families,  largely  from  Siberia,  fled  to  Moscow  in  November  of 
1928.  They  moved  into  housing  in  the  Moscow  suburbs,  spending  most  of  their  last  rubles 
on  bread  and  rent.  They  worked  at  getting  their  visas  for  six  months,  apparently  with  great 
perseverence.  Probably  to  get  rid  of  these  very  insistent  refugees  they  were  granted 
passports!  Those  who  passed  the  medical  examination  were  free  to  go  to  Canada,  the  rest 


192 


were  detained  in  Hamburg.  The  leader  of  this  group  was  P.B.  Epp,  and  Peter  G.  Smidovitch 
the  government  official  who  granted  the  passports.  He  warned  the  that  it  was  unlikely 
that  additional  passports  would  be  issued.  The  group  left  Moscow  on  August  30,  1929. 

News  of  the  29  families  spread  like  wildfire.  Other  Mennonites  felt  that  this  was 
probably  their  only  chance  to  escape.  They  came  from  Siberia  [as  far  away  as  the  Amur 
region],  the  Crimea,  the  Caucasus,  the  Kuban,  Molotschna,  Sagradovka,  Memrik,  Alt  and 
Neu  Samara,  Am  Trakt  and  Ufa.  They  found  housing  in  the  Moscow  suburbs  of  Perlovka, 
Tayninka,  Klyazma  and  Pushkino.  Many  also  found  temporary  housing  in  summer  villas. 
On  September  18,  1929  there  were  250  families,  about  1,000  persons  in  the  environs  of 
Moscow.  Ten  days  later  there  were  400  families,  a  week  later  600. 

Peter  Fast  described  the  long  trek  to  Moscow.  “People  would  sell  their  belongings 
at  public  auction  sales  and  then  leave,  not  knowing  whether  they  had  any  chance  of 
successfully  leaving  the  country.  But  with  nothing  to  lose  and  everything  to  gain  there  was 
but  one  choice.  Soon  auction  sales  were  declared  unlawful  and  detachments  of  mounted 
police  were  patrolling  the  countryside  to  disperse  the  crowds... In  desperation  whole  groups 
of  families  fled  secretly  by  night,  leaving  all  they  owned...”  In  time  at  least  13,000  [some 
say  up  to  15,000]  refugees  flocked  to  Moscow,  including  many  Mennonites,  but  also 
Lutherans,  Catholics,  and  even  a  few  Baptists  and  Greek  Orthodox  Russians. 

German  and  American  journalists  visited  the  refugees  and  promised  to  draw  the 
attention  of  the  world  to  this  tragedy.  On  October  10  B.  H.  Unruh,  through  the  Soviet 
embassy  in  Berlin,  asked  for  permission  to  investigate.  Permission  was  denied,  but  a 
government  commission  was  appointed,  which  recommended  that  all  the  refugees  should 
be  allowed  to  emigrate.  On  October  1 9  the  German  embassy  received  the  information  that, 
provided  another  country  was  willing  to  accept  them,  refugees  could  leave  the  Soviet 
Union.  All  of  them  wanted  to  go  to  Canada,  but  Canada  was  reluctant  to  accept  additional 
immigrants.  Germany  at  the  time  was  in  no  economic  condition  to  help. 

The  Soviets  were  now  ready  to  send  up  to  1,000  refugees  via  Leningrad  to 
Hamburg,  another  5,000  via  Riga.  Without  a  favourable  decision  by  the  government  of 
Canada,  however,  neither  the  Canadian  Pacific  Railway  nor  Germany  were  willing  to 
proceed.  In  the  mean  time  the  Soviets  were  threatening  to  send  the  refugees  back  to  their 
homes  or  into  exile.  One  group  of 324  for  some  reason  had  already  departed  from  Moscow 
and  arrived  at  Kiel,  Germany,  on  November  3,  where  they  were  lodged  temporarily.  On 
November  4  Unruh  continued  his  negotiations  with  the  German  government  in  Berlin.  He 
also  asked  the  German  Mennonite  and  Evangelical  churches  for  help.  Through  the  newly 
formed  Brueder  in  Not  [Brethren  in  Need]  relief  agency  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  whole 
German  nation,  “...in  spite  of  our  difficult  economic  situation  [we  ask]  for  an  offering  for 
the  afflicted  brethren.” 

Reich  President  von  Hindenburg  donated  200,000  Reichsmark,  and  6,000,000 
Reichsmark  were  appropriated  by  the  Reich  cabinet  for  the  rescue.  Other  agencies  and 
individuals  also  contributed. 

In  the  mean  time  the  government  of  Canada  gave  its  final  negative  answer  on 
November  25,  basically  sentencing  thousands  of  people  to  hardship  and  death.  German 
generosity  and  hospitality  stepped  in  and  allowed  at  least  temporary  refuge  to  a  number  of 


193 


those  in  Moscow.  Between 
December  1  and  1 1 ,  a  total  of 
5,671  were  admitted  to  that 
country.  Of  these  3,885  were 
Mennonites,  1,260  Lutherans, 
468  Catholics  and  51  Baptists. 
Including  births,  those  who 
escaped  by  other  means,  and 
other  close  relatives  who  were 
allowed  to  leave,  the  sum 
eventually  came  to  6,278 
persons.  They  travelled  via 
Riga,  where  they  paused  at  least 
long  enough  to  express  their 
thanks  to  God  in  prayer,  to 


On  arrival  in  Riga  the  Moscow  refugees  prayed  and 
sang  “j Nun  danket  alle  Gotf 


sing  "Nun  danket  alle 
Gott"  [Now  Thank  We 
All  Our  God],  and  to  have 
a  steaming  hot  bowl  of 
soup.  They  were  then 
sent  to  three  camps  in 
Germany. 

After  previous 
warnings  the  Soviet 
government,  through  the 
GPU,  the  secret  police, 
was  beginning  to  send  the 
remaining  refugees  back. 
Under  torture  the  men 
were  forced  to  sign 
documents  that  they  went 
voluntarily;  more  than  300  had  already  been  arrested  and  sent  into  exile. 

Heinrich  Martens  graphically  described  the  conditions  and  consequences.  The 
women  and  children  were  thrown  onto  trucks,  loaded  onto  freight  cars,  then  shipped  back. 
Many  children  suffered  broken  arms  and  legs  from  the  brute  force  used.  Pregnant  women 
gave  birth  on  pavements  or  on  trucks,  and  both  mother  and  child  often  died  within  hours. 
Many  families  were  tom  asunder.  About  8,000  were  sent  back.  The  trip  back  to  the  Crimea 
took  nine  days,  to  Siberia  about  three  weeks,  through  the  bitter  cold.  Many  people  died  on 
the  way.  At  one  station  the  bodies  of  37  children  were  taken  from  the  train,  at  another 
Siberian  station  the  count  of  bodies  was  60.  When  they  arrived  back  “  home”  they  had 
nothing  to  eat,  and  no  roof  over  their  heads. 


Refugees  served  hot  soup  in  Riga 


194 


Those  refugees 
who  had  been  allowed  into 
Germany  were  taken  to 
three  camps,  in 
Hammerstein,  Moelln  and 
Prenzlau.  Many  started 
their  sojourn  by 
celebrating  Christmas  in 
the  new,  if  somewhat 
crowded  circumstances. 
Life  in  the  camps  was 
made  as  pleasant  and 
profitable  as  possible. 
School  at  the  Prenzlau  camp  There  were  kindergartens, 

schools,  Sunday  schools, 

choirs,  libraries  and  even  sewing  classes.  In  time  the  refugees  left  for  various  destinations, 
to  Brazil  2,529,  Paraguay  1,572,  Canada  [surprisingly]  1,344,  Argentina  six,  Mexico  four, 
USA  four, 


and  458 
stayed  in 
Europe.  By 
November, 
1932,  there 
were  only 
70  persons 
left  in  the 
camp  at 
Moelln. 

With 
the  aid  of 
the  German 


A  meeting  at  the  Moelln  camp 


government 
as  well  as 
the  Dutch 

Mennonites,  migration  to  Brazil  was  made  possible.  This  country  did  not  guarantee  non- 
resistant  status,  so  the  Mennonites  who  chose  Brazil  tended  to  be  those  who  considered  this 
principle  to  be  of  marginal  importance.  The  first  group  of  33  families  sailed  for  Brazil  on 
the  Monte  Olivia  on  January  16,  1930.  They  settled  on  land  in  the  upper  Krauel  River 
valley  near  the  German  city  of  Blumenau.  Eventually  2,529  Moscow  refugee  Mennonites 
settled  in  Brazil. 

Of  those  refugees  going  to  Paraguay,  the  first  group  crossed  the  ocean  on  a  German 
vessel  Bayern,  then  transferred  to  a  river  boat  in  Buenos  Aires.  After  travelling  some 
distance  up  the  Paraguay  River  they  disembarked  at  Puerto  Casada,  then  were  transported 


195 


by  railroad  for  145  kilometres.  This  was  followed  by  a  100  kilometre  trek  westwards 
deeper  into  the  Paraguayan  Chaco  on  oxcarts  provided  by  the  Menno  Colony.  They 
established  the  Femheim  Colony,  consisting  of  13  villages,  with  Filadelfia  laid  out  as  the 
centre. 

The  fate  of  the  “other  eight  thousand”  was  that  which  usually  occurred  to  those  who 
challenged  the  Soviet  government.  Some  were  undoubtedly  imprisoned  and  executed, 
others  were  exiled  to  the  far  north,  many  were  returned  to  their  homes  penniless  to  manage 
as  best  they  could. 


Sources: 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council, 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  pp  221-239 

Fast,  Peter,  Mennonites  on  the  Move,  Mennonite  Life,  January  1959,  pp  14-16 
Martens,  Heinrich,  Refugee  in  Moelln  camp,  Letter,  29  December  1929 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  145,  149 
New  York  Times,  Headline,  1  December  1929,  Section  3,  p  2 

Toews,  John  B.,  Czars,  Soviets  &  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1982, 
pp  130-134 

Willms,  H.  J.,  Editor,  Vor  den  Toren  Moskaus,  Komitee  der  Fluechtlinge,  Yarrow,  Canada, 
pp  15-147 


Background  Information: 

Benjamin  H.  Unruh 


196 


BENJAMIN  H.  UNRUH 

[1881  -  1959] 

The  German  Negotiator 

Benjamin  Heinrich  Unruh  was  bom  on  September  4,  1881  in  Temir-Bulat  [Philippstal], 
Crimea.  He  was  the  ninth  of  ten  children  of  Heinrich  Benjamin  and  Elisabeth  [Wall]  Unruh.  His 
father  was  a  farmer,  but  also  a  minister  and  elder  in  the  Karassan  Mennonite  Church.  Two  older 
brothers,  Heinrich  and  Komelius,  went  to  India  as  missionaries.  Gerhard  became  a  respected 
minister  in  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  and  Abraham,  just  three  years  older  than  Benjamin, 
was  a  well  known  Bible  teacher  in  Russia  and  later  in  Canada.  His  father  Benjamin  died  of 
pneumonia  at  an  early  age,  in  1883,  leaving  the  family  in  difficult  circumstances.  His  brother 
Abraham,  in  order  to  give  him  better  educational  possibilities,  was  sent  to  live  with  his  uncle 
Komelius  Unruh  in  Ohrloff,  Molotschna. 

After  four  years  of  rather  indifferent  elementary  schooling  at  Temir-Bulat,  Benjamin  was 
sent  to  the  home  of  his  grandfather,  Benjamin  Unruh,  in  Tokultschak  [Johannesruh],  also  in  the 
Crimea.  Here  his  excellent  teacher  was  Johann  Fehderau,  who  taught  the  young  Benjamin  enough 
in  three  years  to  make  it  easy  to  enter  the  Zentralschule  in  Ohrloff  in  1 895.  Here  his  teachers  were 
also  excellent,  among  them  his  own  uncle,  Komelius  Unruh.  From  there  he  went  to  the  Teachers’ 
College  in  Halbstadt.  He  particularly  appreciated  his  well  educated  and  very  dedicated  teacher, 
Wilhelm  P.  Neufeld,  and  also  his  religion  teacher,  brother  Abraham. 

During  this  time  in  Halbstadt  Benjamin  came  to  a  personal  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  at  the  age 
of  18,  and  was  baptized  and  joined  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  of  Spat,  in  the  Crimea.  After 
completion  of  his  courses  he  passed  the  examination  for  the  Russian  subjects  in  Simferopol,  for 

Religion  and  German  in  Halbstadt,  and  later  in  1909  the  state 
examinations  in  Kharkov.  His  Ohrloff  and  Halbstadt  studies 
had  been  financed  by  a  member  of  the  Comies  family,  but 
because  of  difficult  circumstances  this  funding  ran  out. 
Benjamin  had  received  an  offer  to  teach  when  three  new 
benefactors  enabled  him  to  continue  his  studies. 

As  a  result  of  his  financing  Benjamin  was  able  to 
study  in  Basel,  Switzerland  from  1900  to  1907,  first  at  the 
Evangelisches  Predigerseminar  of  Wilhelm  Arnold,  then  at 
the  University  of  Basel.  He  graduated  from  the  faculty  of 
theology  in  June  of  1907  with  a  licentiate  in  church  and 
dogma  history  [equivalent  of  a  Ph.  D.].  He  turned  down  a 
position  in  Basel  to  go  back  to  his  own  Mennonite  people, 
accepting  a  post  as  teacher  of  Religion  and  German  in  the 
newly  established  advanced  teachers’  college  [Ober- 
Realschule\  in  Halbstadt. 

On  August  18,  1907,  before  he  returned  to  Russia, 
Benjamin  married  Frieda  Hege,  of  Breitenau,  Germany.  She 
was  daughter  of  Christian  Hege,  a  Mennonite  elder.  The 
couple  had  eight  children,  four  boys  and  four  girls.  They  were 
Rudolf  [1908],  Martha  [1909],  Hans  [1910],  Heinrich  [1911],  Liesel  [1914],  Olga  [1915],  Maria 
[1917]  and  Fritz  [1919],  After  over  38  years  of  marriage  Frieda  died  on  December  27,  1945. 
Benjamin  married  Paula  Hotel  in  1948;  she  was  the  daughter  ofElder  Johannes  Hotel  of  Batzenhof. 

In  Halbstadt  Benjamin  dedicated  himself  to  excellence  in  teaching  for  over  a  decade.  He 


Benjamin  H.  Unruh  [1881-1959] 


197 


taught  Religion  and  German  at  the  advanced  levels,  including  the  Maedchenschule.  Katherine 
Rempel,  one  of  his  students,  says  of  him  “I  must  mention  my  esteemed  teacher  Benjamin  Unruh, 
to  whom  I  dedicate  some  words  of  acknowledgment  and  gratitude. ..when  Mr.  Unruh  discussed  a 
drama  with  us.. .everybody  paid  attention  and  no  one  was  bored.  He  knew  how  to  uncover  hidden 
treasures  and  connect  them  to  everyday  life. ..This  gift  was  also  evident  in  the  Bible 
classes... difficult  passages... would  be  carefully  explained...”  During  this  time  Benjamin  also 
published  a  book  “ Lehrbuch  fuer  den  Religionsuntericht  ’’[Manual  for  Instruction  of  Religion]  for 
secondary  schools,  in  1913.  He  was  a  leader  among  Mennonite  educators  and  spoke  at  many 
conferences.  In  1919  he  chaired  a  congress  of  teachers  held  at  Prischib. 

But  Benjamin’s  interests  extended  beyond  education.  On  August  14-18, 1917,  he  was  one 
of  three  chairmen  of  the  All-Russian  Mennonite  Congress  held  in  Ohrloff.  A  Mennozentrum 
[Mennonite  Centre]  was  established,  headquarters  in  Halbstadt,  and  Benjamin  was  chosen  to  head 
this  organization.  In  1920  Benjamin  was  appointed  as  a  member,  and  also  the  secretary  of  the 
Studienkommission,  which  was  to  deal  with  the  famine  that  was  decimating  the  Mennonite  colonies, 
but  also  to  explore  the  possibility  of  emigration  to  foreign  countries.  In  this  capacity,  in  early  May 
of  1920,  he  travelled  to  Holland,  Switzerland  and  Germany,  then  to  the  United  States  and  Canada. 
Upon  returning  he  played  a  significant  role  in  founding  a  German  Mennonite  relief  agency.  He 
then  remained  in  Germany,  his  wife  and  children  eventually  joining  him  in  1922.  He  settled  in 
Rueppurr,  a  suburb  of  Karlsruhe,  Germany.  From  this  base  he  taught  Russian  language,  literature 
and  history  at  a  technical  college  in  Karlsruhe,  but  more  importantly  became  an  advocate  for 
Russian  Mennonite  causes,  particularly  as  it  related  to  emigration  and  relief  work. 

Benjamin  was  intimately  involved  in  the  negotiations  for  the  emigration  of  1923  to  1928, 
with  a  major  concern  for  those  Mennonites  who  were  quarantined  en  route  because  of  the  eye 
disease  trachoma,  first  in  Lechfeld,  Germany,  then  in  Atlantic  Park,  near  Southampton  in  England. 

In  the  1929  cry  for  help  by  the  Mennonite  refugees  in  Moscow,  Benjamin  Unruh  was  one 
of  the  principal  negotiators.  On  October  10,  1929,  he  asked  the  Soviets,  through  their  embassy  in 
Berlin,  if  he  could  go  to  Moscow  to  investigate  the  situation.  This  was  denied,  but  he  continued 
his  efforts  in  dealing  with  the  German  government.  He  asked  the  German  Mennonites  and 
Evangelical  churches  for  help.  Finally,  through  the  newly  established  “ Brueder  in  Not ”  [Brethren 
in  Need]  relief  agency  he  appealed  to  the  whole  German  nation.  Eventually,  to  a  considerable 
degree  through  the  efforts  of  Unruh,  Germany  accepted  6,278  [5,671  plus  additional  relatives]  of 
the  1 3,000- 1 5,000  desperate  refugees  massed  in  Moscow.  He  also  played  a  part  in  their  settlement 
in  three  camps  in  Germany,  and  the  final  departure  for  Paraguay,  Brazil  and  Canada.  Benjamin 
assisted  in  the  travel  of  some  of  the  AmurVHarbin  refugees  via  France  to  South  America.  In  the 
early  1 930s  it  was  less  and  less  possible  to  intervene  directly  for  his  Russian  brethren,  but  for  a  time 
he  could  help  to  encourage  and  coordinate  the  sending  of  much  needed  relief  packages. 

Benjamin  was  prominent  in  the  1930  Mennonite  World  Relief  Conference  held  in  Danzig. 
He  delivered  three  talks  relating  to  the  relief  and  the  emigration  of  Russian  Mennonites.  At  the 
third  Mennonite  World  Conference  held  in  Amsterdam  in  1936  he  again  spoke  about  the 
Mennonites  in  Russia,  but  also,  together  with  Fritz  Kliewer,  informed  the  delegates  about  the 
Mennonites  in  Paraguay.  Nearer  home,  one  of  Benjamin’s  concerns  was  the  reorganization  of  the 
German  Mennonite  churches  in  the  1930s.  For  years  he  also  helped  them  deal  with  the  question 
of  the  oath,  especially  as  it  related  to  the  Third  Reich.  He  had  a  personal  interview  with  Heinrich 
Himmler  on  this  subject. 

While  living  in  Germany  Unruh  seems  to  have  been  strongly  influenced  by  the  rising  tide 
of  German  nationalism,  and  with  it  perhaps  had  an  idealistic  evaluation  of  the  National  Socialist 
movement.  He  later  commented  on  the  1929-1930  refugees,  seemingly  with  approval,  “many  of 
these  farmers  were  able  to  take  with  them  overseas  impressions  of  the  National  Socialist  militant 


198 


movement.”  According  to  Thiesen,  discussing  the  various  influences  on  the  South  American 
Mennonites,  “Nazis  offered  a  language  that  came  not  only  directly  from  German  sources  but 
through  Mennonites’  own  intellectual  leaders...  and  respected  Mennonite  spokesmen  such  as 
B.  H.  Unruh.”  This  is  a  chapter  of  Unruh’s  life  on  which  he  himself  and  his  biographers  were  later, 
not  surprisingly,  silent. 

When,  after  the  conclusion  of  hostilities  of  World  War  II,  the  Soviets  began  invading  the 
Western  Allied  zones  of  Germany  to  repatriate  their  former  citizens,  Benjamin  played  a  part  in 
helping  the  refugees  who  were  trying  to  escape.  He  provided  many  Mennonites  with  desperately 

needed  documentation  such  as  birth,  baptismal  and 
marriage  certificates.  He  also  compiled  an  extensive 
list  of  about  8,000  names  which  enabled  the 
Mennonite  Central  Committee  to  trace  and  help  a  large 
number  of  Mennonite  refugees. 

During  his  career  Benjamin  wrote  many 
essays  on  a  wide  variety  of  subjects.  One  hundred  of 
his  publications  are  listed  in  “ Mennonite  Bibliography 
1631-1961.”  Many  of  these  had  earlier  been  lectures 
given  on  various  occasions.  He  wrote  on  subjects 
related  to  his  teaching  profession,  such  as  “Ein  Beitrag 
zur  Geschichte  der  russland  deutschen  Schulen .”  He 
frequently  covered  various  aspects  of  Mennonite 
history,  “ Die  Revolution  1525  und  das  Taeufertum” 
and  included  biographies  of  Mennonite  leaders, 
“ Johann  H.  Willms  and  “ Peter  J.  Braun.  ”  Much  of 
his  attention  was  focused  on  Mennonites  in  Russia  and 
their  plight,  “Die  Mennoniten  in  Russland  in 
Geschichte  und  Gegenwart"  and  “Wie  Koennen  wir 
den  Mennoniten  in  Russland  helfen?”  He  discussed 
theological  issues  as  well,  “ Gewissenfreiheit ”  and 
“Die  Mennonitische  Konfession.”  He  also  liked  to 
recall  his  own  past,  and  published  a  four  part  autobiography  in  Der  Bote.  As  mentioned  previously 
Benjamin  published  a  manual  for  instruction  in  religion  in  1913,  and  had  a  number  of  additional 
manuscripts  ready,  which  unfortunately  were  not  printed  because  of  the  unsettled  times  in  Russia. 
Luckily  a  long  time  major  work  of  his  was  completed  shortly  before  his  death.  “Die 
niederlaendisch-niederdeutschen Hintergrunde der mennonitischen  Ostwanderungim  16.,  18.,  und 
19.  Jahrhundert”  was  published  in  1955,  and  is  indispensable  for  any  serious  student  of  Mennonite 
history.  “ Fuegung  und  Fuehrung  im  mennonitischen  Welthilfswerk  1920-1933 ,”  is  a  collection  of 
his  materials  regarding  the  work  among  refugees  which  came  to  print  after  his  death,  in  1966. 

While  Benjamin  was  a  baptized  member  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  he  was  never 
elected  a  minister.  He  preferred  to  fellowship  in  the  wider  community  of  believers,  his  motto 
being,  “I  do  not  wish  to  have  less  brothers  than  Jesus  Christ  did.”  In  1927  he  was  a  Mennonite 
delegate  to  a  world  church  conference  in  Lausanne,  Switzerland.  He  was  active  in  relief  of 
suffering,  with  interests  wide  enough  for  him  to  be  honoured  by  the  German  Red  Cross.  He 
received  the  “  Verdienstkreuz  1.  Klasse, ’’presented  by  President  von  Hindenburg  himself.  Because 
of  his  Russian  studies  and  various  theological  works,  the  theological  faculty  of  the  University  of 
Heidelberg  bestowed  an  honourary  doctorate  of  theology  degree  on  him  in  1937.  In  1957  he  was 
made  an  honourary  member  of  the  “ Landmanschaft  der  Deutschen  aus  Russland ’  [Society  of 
Germans  from  Russia]. 


199 


Benjamin  Unruh  worked  almost  to  his  last  days.  In  January  of  1959  he  submitted  a 
manuscript  for  publication  “ Humanity  from  the  Christian  Perspective A  few  months  later  his 
health  failed.  Suffering  from  arteriosclerosis,  he  was  seriously  ill  for  four  weeks,  then  he  died  on 
May  12,  1959  in  a  hospital  in  Karlsruhe.  The  funeral  service  was  held  in  the  Resurrection  Church 
in  Karlsruhe-Rueppurr.  He  was  buried  on  May  1 5  in  the  local  cemetery.  Benjamin  was  survived 
by  his  second  wife  Paula  and  seven  children. 

Benjamin  Heinrich  Unruh  impacted  the  lives  of  many  people.  To  academics  and  church 
officials  he  was  “ ueberkonfessioneller  und  uebernationeler ,  allchristlicher  nnd  allmenschlicher ” 
[interconfessional,  international,  all-christian  and  all-human].  But  to  many  of  those  who  had 
personally  been  saved  from  misery  or  even  death  by  his  dedicated  work  he  was  “ Ohm  Benjamin ” 
[Father  Benjamin]. 


Sources: 

Dyck,  Arnold,  Mein  Besuch  bei  Ohm  Benjamin ,  Mennonite  Life,  January  1960,  pp  8-10 
Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council 

Altona,  Canada,  1962,  pp  40,  44,  45,46,  52,61,62,  65-67,  117,  158,  159,  176,  177, 

209,  230-232,  257,  269,  276,  277,  283,  365,  368,  426,  446 
Ewert,  David,  Stalwart  for  the  Truth ,  Board  for  Christian  Literature,  General  Conference  of  the 
Mennonite  Brethren  churches  of  North  America,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  1975,  pp  19-23 
Klassen,  H.,  One  of  the  Last ,  Mennonite  Life,  January  1960,  pp  4-5 
Krahn,  Cornelius,  Benjamin  H.  Unruh  heimgegangen,  Der  Bote,  7  May  1959,  p  5 
Krahn,  Cornelius,  Biographical  Sketch  of  Benjamin  H.  Unruh,  Mennonite  Life,  January  I960,  p  6 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonitisches  Lexikon  Vol  4:  389-390 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  20  May  1959,  p  1 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  3  June  1959,  pp  1,  5 

Quiring,  Horst,  Benjamin  H.  Unruh  zum  70.  Geburtstag,  Mennonitische  Geschichtsblaetter, 
March  1952,  pp  26-29 

Regehr,  Peggy,  Descendents  of  Benjamin  H.  Unruh,  Unruh  Family  Tree,  Winnipeg,  Canada 
Rempel,  Katherine,  Glimpses  from  My  Life,  translated  by  Dorothy  Huebert,  Winnipeg,  Canada, 
1997,  p  10 

Schleuning,  Johannes,  Professor  Lie.  theol.  D.  h.  c.  Benjamin  Heinrich  Unruh  zum  Gedaechtnis, 
Heimatbuch  der  Deutschen  aus  Russland,  1960,  pp  102-108 
Schnebele,  Christian,  Aus  Benjamin  Unruh' s  Taetigkeit,  Mennonitisches  Jahrbuch,  1952, 
pp  45-47 

Springer,  Nelson  P.,  and  Klassen,  A.  J.,  Mennonite  Bibliography  1631-1961,  Herald  Press, 
Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada,  1977,  p  512,  listing  a  total  of  100  articles 
and  books 

Thiesen,  John  D.,  Mennonite  and  Nazi?,  Pandora  Press,  Kitchener,  Canada,  pp  25-37 
Unruh,  Benjamin  H.,  Benjamin  H.  Unruh,  Der  Bote,  5  September  1951,  pp  1,  2; 

12  September  1951,  pp  1,2;  19  September  1951,  p  2;  26  September  1951,  pp  2,  3 
Unruh,  B.  H.,  Peter  J.  Braun,  Mennonitisches  Jahrbuch  1952,  pp  29-32 

Unruh,  Benjamin  Heinrich,  Fuegung  und  Fuehrung  im  mennonitischen  Welthilfswerk  1920-1933, 
Mennonitischen  e.  V.  Weierhof,  West  Germany,  1966,  pp  3-68 


200 


29.  AMUR  CROSSING 
DECEMBER  16, 1930 


Prior  to  World  War  I  most  Mennonite  colonies  were  in  European  Russia.  Those 
Mennonites  going  beyond  these  confines  settled  mainly  in  western  Siberia,  near  Omsk,  or 
in  the  Slavgorod  region.  After  the  revolution,  when  it  became  obvious  that  collectivization 
or  exile  were  in  store,  many  Mennonites  migrated  to  Canada.  Some  of  those  who  could  not 
leave  accepted  the  Soviet  offer  to  settle  in  the  distant,  largely  uninhabited  land  along  the 
Amur  River,  hoping  to  avoid  the  harsh  reality  of  communist  rule.  They  were  promised  400 
rubles  per  family,  about  1 5  hectares  of  land  per  family  member,  reduced  freight  rates,  and 
no  taxes  for  three  years.  The  first  settlers  left  Slavgorod  on  March  24,  1 927,  42  families 
taking  household  goods,  farm  implements  and  animals  on  the  long  trek  eastward  by  train. 
They,  and  those  who  soon  followed,  established  the  Usman  settlement  near  the  city  of 
Blagoveshchensk.  Other  colonies  established  in  the  area  were  Savitaya,  Muchino, 
Nevzorovka  and  Shumanovka,  total  population  over  2,300.  Most  settlers  came  from 
western  Siberia,  but  some  also  arrived  from  European  Russia. 

The  settlements  had  barely  been  established  when  collectivization  was  forced  upon 
even  this  distant  outpost.  As  was  the  practice  elsewhere,  the  more  successful  farmers  were 
declared  kulaks,  and  were  disenfranchised.  The  GPU  [the  Soviet  secret  police]  had  moved 
in  to  ensure  cooperation,  and  spies  reported  those  who  did  not.  Heavy  grain  tax  was  levied 
on  all  crops  despite  the  promise  of  three  tax-free  years. 

The  four  villages  of  Shumanovka,  Kleefeld, 
Friedensfeld  and  New  York  were  combined  to  form  a 
collective  farm,  with  Jakob  Siemens  of  Shumanovka 
appointed  the  leader.  In  the  spring  of  1 929  seeding  was 
done  in  a  collective  fashion.  Thanks  to  the  energy  of 
the  leadership  and  the  settlers  this  farm  was  named  a 
model  collective,  which  of  course  then  was  connected 
with  greater  responsibilities  and  higher  demands.  In  the 
autumn  the  crops  were  harvested,  again  everyone 
working  most  diligently. 

Despite  seeming  collaboration  with  the 
authorities,  this  was  only  a  ruse.  The  communist 
system  went  against  the  heart  and  soul  of  the 
Mennonite  settlers.  Most  were  looking  for  some  way 
out  of  the  situation,  preferably  to  settle  in  North 
America,  the  land  of  freedom. 

In  the  autumn  of  1 929  the  word  was  spread  that 
some  Mennonites  had  obtained  exit  visas  in  Moscow,  and  so  had  been  able  to  emigrate. 
Mennonites  from  all  over  the  Soviet  Union  gathered  in  Moscow  in  desperate  hopes  that 
they  might  escape.  But  of  the  over  1 3,000  who  applied,  only  about  6,000  were  successful. 
The  others  were  sent  back  to  their  homes  empty  handed,  or  worse  still,  banished  to  the 


201 


north.  A  number  of  people  from  the  Amur  area  also  went  to  Moscow.  Peter  Mantler  was 
actually  able  to  emigrate  to  Canada,  but  minister  Heinrich  Loewen  was  sent  back. 

What  was  to  be  done?  The  wide  Amur  River  was  immediately  south  of  the 
Mennonite  colonies,  forming  a  natural  boundary  between  Soviet  Siberia  and  Manchuria 
[China],  Roughly  parallel  to  the  Amur  River  in  this  region  of  China  lies  a  low  mountain 
range  “Kleine  Chingan”  [Lesser  Khingan  Range  or  Xiao  Higgang],  These  mountains  were 
visible  from  the  Mennonite  villages,  hovering  on  the  south  west  horizon,  and  were  often 
referred  to  as  “The  Blue  Mountains  of  China.”  Behind  that,  they  imagined,  was  a  land  of 
fairytale  oriental  splendour.  It  is  no  wonder  that  in  time  the  thoughts  of  the  Mennonites 
turned  to  these  blue  mountains  as  a  possible  route  of  escape.  True,  it  would  mean  going 
into  a  heathen  land,  where  the  next  big  city,  Harbin,  was  far  away,  but  was  it  perhaps 
possible? 

As  early  as  1 927  a  few  young  men  had  crossed  the  border,  then  later  under  the  cover 
of  darkness  came  back  to  get  their  families.  Later  the  border  patrols  were  strengthened,  but 
even  so  a  number  of  groups  were  able  to  escape  in  the  winter  of  1928-1929  over  the  ice  of 
the  frozen  river.  The  border  patrols  became  increasingly  active  and  sometimes  shot  and 
killed  people  trying  to  escape.  Chinese  traders,  who  often  smuggled  goods  across  the 
border,  also  offered  to  lead  groups  to  China,  but  occasionally  became  traitors  and  turned 
these  people  over  to  the  Soviet  patrols  instead. 

The  local  GPU  chief  periodically  came  riding  through  the  Mennonite  villages  to 
observe  activities;  local  individuals  were  also  recruited  to  spy  on  each  other.  Knowing  this, 
people  were  very  secretive.  So  it  was  that  others  were  not  aware  of  an  escape  plan  of  12 
Shumanovka  families  on  the  night  of  March  25,  1 930.  They  left  their  homes  in  the  dark  of 
night  to  a  rendevous  that  had  been  decided  on  seven  verst  from  the  village.  A  Chinese 
guide  was  to  meet  them  there,  and  would  lead  them  across  the  river.  They  waited,  and 
waited.  No  Chinese  guide.  Finally,  fearing  that  the  guide  may  be  intending  to  turn  them 
over  to  the  GPU,  they  returned  home.  In  the  morning  the  GPU  chief  came  into  the  village 
to  “discuss  some  important  questions.”  But  there  were  no  signs  of  the  night’s  activities. 
This  time  the  12  families  were  fortunate.  It  seemed  that  further  thoughts  of  escape  were 
unrealistic. 

The  citizens  of  Shumanovka  and  the  neighbouring  villages  were  excellent  farmers. 
The  collective,  with  its  able  leader  Jakob  Siemens,  satisfied  the  authorities  in  all  possible 
ways,  and  even  did  more  than  was  prescribed.  They  worked  tirelessly  and  prepared 
elaborate  plans  for  the  future,  showing  that  even  Mennonite  farmers  could  work  the  system 
of  insane  agricultural  policies.  The  harvest  in  the  autumn  of  1930  was  brought  in 
efficiently,  the  grain  tax  was  paid  without  argument.  The  farmers  even  built  a  mill  where 
their  own  grain  as  well  as  that  of  neighbouring  collectives  could  be  ground. 

In  November  of  1930  the  leadership  of  the  collective  contemplated  possible  work 
for  the  winter.  The  members  of  the  collective  should  not  spend  the  winter  months  lying 
around  on  bear  rugs  or  pretending  they  were  in  Schlaraffenland  [a  land  of  milk  and  honey]. 
No,  they  should  work!  They  wanted  to  be  loyal  citizens.  To  this  end  the  whole  collective 
would  like  to  do  forestry  work  near  the  city  of  Chabarovsk,  about  800  kilometres  away. 
They  would  need  to  buy  horses  and  build  sleighs  and  make  preparations  for  this  long  trip. 


202 


The  Soviet  authorities,  pleasantly  surprised  by  this  offer,  nevertheless  consented.  So  the 
plans  proceeded.  Little  did  the  authorities  guess  that  these  same  horses  and  sleighs  could 
also  head  south  over  the  Amur  River! 

Leaders  and  members  of  the  collective,  at  least  the  village  of  Shumanovka  and  its 
neighbour  New  York,  agreed  that  while  risky,  perhaps  irresponsibly  insane,  the  plan  was 
worth  a  try.  The  leadership,  for  security  reasons,  was  somewhat  vague  about  its  plans.  The 
teacher  and  one  of  the  villagers  were  known  to  be  communist  collaborators,  so  they  were 
kept  completely  in  the  dark. 

Two  villagers  from  Shumanovka,  Isaak  Wiens  and  Wilhelm  Federau,  who  were 
especially  diligent,  were  asked  to  scout  out  the  possibilities.  On  November  2,  led  by  a 
reliable  Chinese  guide  named  Alexander,  they  crossed  the  border  under  cover  of  darkness. 
Reaching  the  Chinese  village  of  Kani-Fu,  they  received  valuable  information  about  border 
crossings  from  some  horse  traders.  They  also  negotiated  terms  under  which  the  Chinese 
village  would  accept  the  refugees  when  they  arrived.  Since  the  return  to  Siberia  might  be 
difficult  they  purchased  a  number  of  items  in  China  so  that,  should  they  be  captured  by  the 
border  patrols  or  the  GPU,  they  could  give  the  excuse  of  having  been  in  China  to  purchase 
goods.  In  a  week,  again  at  night  and  with  some  fortunate  fog,  Wiens  and  Federau  returned 
safely  to  Shumanovka.  They  reported  to  the  collective  farm  leadership,  feeling  that  with 
proper  precautions  the  escape  would  be  possible. 

Now  it  was  time  to  put  the  plans  into  action.  It  was  decided  to  leave  in  the  middle 
of  December.  Under  promise  of  extreme  secrecy  and  caution  each  villager  of  Shumanovka 
and  New  York  [except,  of  course  the  two  spies  in  Shumanovka]  was  informed  of  the 
specific  plans,  and  the  leadership  asked  everyone  to  make  necessary  preparations.  The 
secret,  but  feverish  work  began.  The  sleighs,  designed  for  freight,  had  to  be  converted  to 
accommodate  passengers.  The  sides  and  backs  were  built  up  so  that  women  and  children 
could  be  packed  in  warmly,  a  feature  especially  needed  in  the  extreme  cold.  This  work  was 
done  behind  the  straw  stacks  so  as  not  to  be  seen  from  the  street.  The  collective  distributed 
flour  and  sun  flower  oil  to  each  villager.  Ham,  other  meat,  and  baked  goods  were  also 
prepared.  How  fortunate  that  the  authorities  had  been  convinced  that  preparations  for  a  trip 
into  the  forest  needed  to  be  made,  otherwise  some  suspicion  might  have  been  aroused. 
Even  those  villagers  who  ordinarily  had  forgotten  how  to  pray  were  driven  to  their  knees, 
praying  quite  earnestly  for  God’s  guidance  and  protection. 

The  date  was  set  for  December  15.  The  village  of  Shumanovka  was  informed  as 
well  as  New  York.  Those  who  had  close  relatives  in  neighbouring  villages  could  also  invite 
them  to  join.  Everything  was  ready.  The  sleighs  were  packed.  Besides  food  and  clothing 
a  few  settlers  also  packed  additional  items  from  which  they  could  impossibly  part  -  such 
as  a  sewing  machine,  a  milk  separator,  an  incredibly  valuable  musical  instrument. 

The  leadership  again  chose  the  Chinese  guide  Alexander  to  lead  them.  They  felt 
that  he  was  trustworthy,  besides  being  known  to  most  of  the  settlers.  He  was,  of  course,  not 
willing  to  risk  his  life  for  nothing,  but  seemed  to  value  the  sound  of  gold  even  more  than 
his  life.  Being  in  a  poor  bargaining  position,  the  villagers  agreed  that  each  family  would 
give  Alexander  their  best  horse  once  they  were  safely  in  China.  A  fair  payment  for  the 
work  of  a  single  night! 


203 


Now  the  15th  of  December  was  there.  Every  settler  made  sure  that  everything  in 
the  household  was  ready.  It  was  hard  to  wait  through  the  long  hours  of  the  day.  Towards 
evening  a  number  of  the  men  dropped  in  to  see  the  teacher  and  the  farmer  suspected  of 
being  a  GPU  spy.  They  outlined  the  escape  plans  to  each  and  gave  them  a  choice.  They 
could  join  the  group,  or  they  could  be  tied  up  and  be  left  lying  in  their  homes  -  to  make  sure 
that  they  could  not  report  events  to  the  GPU.  They  both  chose  to  join  the  flight  to  China. 
They  were  given  some  extra  clothing  and  quickly  made  preparations  to  leave. 

Now  the  cold  winter  night  settled  in.  The  plan  was  to  leave  about  nine  o’clock. 
Tension  mounted,  there  were  pounding  heartbeats,  and  there  was  little  appetite  for  supper. 
Then  the  news  arrived.  It  would  not  be  possible  to  leave  that  night!  What  had  happened? 
A  message  had  come  from  New  York  asking  for  a  delay  of  eight  days.  That  village  was  not 
yet  ready  to  depart,  among  other  things  they  wished  to  sell  their  flour.  Jakob  Siemens  pled 
with  the  New  York  representatives.  The  tension  of  waiting  another  eight  days  would  be 
unbearable,  and  besides  the  chances  of  some  leak  in  security  during  that  time  would  be  too 
great.  He  practically  fell  on  his  knees,  but  to  no  avail.  If  Shumanovka  did  not  wait,  the 
New  Yorkers  would  inform  the  Soviet  authorities!  This  convinced  Siemens  that  they  had 
to  comply.  But  the  New  Yorkers  were  suspicious,  so  they  left  a  number  of  men  behind  as 
guards,  just  to  be  certain. 

The  next  day,  December  16,  the  Shumanovka  settlers  held  a  secret  meeting.  They 
decided  that  it  was  almost  criminal  to  wait  so  long,  the  risk  was  just  too  great.  The  decision 
was  to  leave  that  night.  Again  the  message  was  passed  from  household  to  household. 
Evening  arrived,  and  the  people  were  waiting  anxiously  for  the  proposed  ten  o’clock 
departure  time.  Again  supper  was  hard  to  keep  down.  The  guards  from  New  York  were 
still  there,  observing  activities. 

Shumanovka  posted  two  young  men  just  south  of  the  village  on  the  road  to 
Konstantinovka,  where  the  GPU  headquarters  were  located,  to  see  if  there  was  any  traffic 
from  that  direction.  It  was  bitter  cold,  minus  40 0  Reaumur  [minus  5 0 0  Celsius] .  The  air  was 
still,  so  sound  carried  very  well,  but  from  the  south  it  was  a  quiet  as  a  cemetery.  The  two 
were  about  to  turn  back  when  the  sounds  of  a  sleigh  reached  their  ears.  The  crisp  crunching 
of  snow  under  the  runners  became  louder  and  louder.  A  sleigh  came  into  view  carrying 
three  passengers  who,  all  bundled  up,  were  not  recognizable.  Fortunately  it  did  not  come 
from  Konstantinovka,  but  from  the  neighbouring  village  of  Friedensfeld.  It  headed  straight 
into  the  village.  The  people  were  some  Friesens  from  Friedensfeld  who  had  come  to  join 
the  escape.  What  a  relief!  By  now  it  was  12  midnight.  The  guards  from  New  York  had, 
assuming  the  terrible  cold  would  make  it  impossible  to  travel,  headed  for  home.  Now  that 
the  shock  of  the  new  arrivals  had  passed,  and  the  New  Yorkers  had  gone  home,  the  message 
to  prepare  for  departure  arrived. 

The  cattle  were  freed  from  the  bams.  The  wall  clocks  were  wound  up,  the  lamps 
were  left  burning,  and  the  supper  dishes  were  left  on  the  table.  Valued  furniture  was  left 
behind  as  a  symbol  of  willingness  to  part  with  everything  to  save  their  souls  from  the 
Bolshevik  Babel  and  to  escape  communist  atheism. 

Now  everything  was  ready.  After  an  agreed  upon  sign  was  given  the  sleighs  passed 
through  the  yard  gates  onto  the  street  where  they  formed  a  long  train,  about  60  sleighs  in 


204 


all.  The  Chinese  guide,  Alexander  led  the  way,  the  next  in  line  was  Isaak  Wiens,  one  of  the 
leaders,  then  followed  the  rest.  A  number  of  armed  outriders  protected  the  train  and  helped 
maintain  order.  Many  of  the  young  men  walked  beside  the  sleighs.  The  word  had  been 
passed  along  to  maintain  quiet,  so  as  not  to  attract  attention,  so  each  one  was  left  to  his  own 
thoughts.  Even  the  Amur  region  had  become  home,  so  it  was  with  a  feeling  of  some  regret 
that  the  group  was  leaving  the  familiar,  and  striking  off  into  the  dark  unknown. 

At  first  the  caravan  headed  straight  down  the  road  southward,  but  then  to  avoid 
possible  detection  by  the  border  patrol  it  veered  off  to  the  side,  into  knee  deep  snow.  The 
night  was  getting  colder  still.  The  snow  crunched  under  the  sleigh  runners,  so  loud  that 
some  were  afraid  that  they  would  be  heard.  The  horses  of  the  lead  sleigh,  breaking  the  path, 
had  the  hardest  work.  After  about  three  kilometres  they  passed  by  the  Russian  village  of 
Voyko  vo,  the  first  guard  post  of  the  border  patrol.  They  skirted  it  by  going  half  a  kilometre 
around,  and  soon  the  village  was  left  far  behind.  The  further  they  went,  the  more  difficult 
the  trail.  There  were  hills  and  valleys,  both  hard  for  the  horses  to  navigate.  Sometimes  the 
sleigh  runners  hit  tree  stumps  and  tipped  over,  on  occasion  the  pole  of  the  sleigh  broke,  and 
had  to  be  repaired.  One  horse  became  uncontrollable,  breaking  up  the  sleigh.  Eventually 
the  horse  was  controlled  and  the  sleigh  fixed.  The  cold  was  so  severe  that  the  travellers 
often  checked  for  frostbite  -  noses,  ears,  fingers  and  toes.  They  rubbed  them  with  snow  if 
they  feared  they  were  frostbitten. 

One  family  had  brought  along  an  entire  butchered  cow,  but  together  with  wife  and 
children  the  load  was  too  heavy;  the  sleigh  broke  down  and  could  not  be  repaired.  Quickly 
the  family  members  were  transferred,  and  the  broken  sleigh  was  pulled  off  the  trail  together 
with  its  delicious  sides  of  beef.  “May  the  wolves, ’’said  one  observer,  “or  the  border  patrol, 
have  a  good  meal!” 

After  a  long,  very  difficult  trip  with  many  delays,  which  increased  the  chances  of 
meeting  up  with  border  patrols,  they  were  close  to  the  Amur  River,  but  had  to  pass  the 
Russian  village  of  Orlovka.  Here  there  were  20  members  of  the  border  patrol,  with  a 
machine  gun.  The  first  streaks  of  dawn  were  beginning  to  show  on  the  eastern  sky. 
Roosters  were  crowing  in  the  village.  The  path  got  even  rougher,  more  sleighs  broke  down. 
They  were  either  repaired  or  pushed  aside  off  the  path.  The  caravan  continued  around  the 
village,  the  miracle  being  that  they  were  not  detected. 

Finally  the  first  sleigh  reached  the  shore  of  the  Amur.  But  then  another  problem 
faced  the  group.  There  was  a  three  metre  drop  from  the  bank  to  the  ice  level.  The  lead 
horses  were  frightened  and  began  to  back  up.  Yet  something  had  to  be  done.  Women  and 
children  got  off  the  sleighs;  half  the  men  pushed  from  above,  the  other  half  tried  to  break 
the  fall  at  the  bottom.  The  work  was  so  hard  that  the  men  were  sweating,  and  despite  the 
terrible  cold  had  to  take  off  their  coats.  Even  with  all  the  precautions  some  of  the  sleighs 
broke  on  impact  with  the  hard  ice  surface,  with  all  the  contents  rolling  out  into  the  snow. 
Those  sleighs  that  could  be  repaired  were  quickly  patched  up  and  reloaded. 

The  sky  was  becoming  lighter  and  lighter,  and  still  some  of  the  sleighs  were  up  on 
the  shore.  Orlovka  was  only  one  kilometre  away,  yet  nothing  was  seen  of  the  border  patrol. 
Had  Alexander  possibly  paid  them  off?  Finally  the  last  sleigh  was  down,  and  the 
procession  travelled  across  the  ice.  The  outriders  turned  a  worried  eye  toward  Orlovka,  but 


205 


no  one  appeared.  The  sleighs  proceeded  at  full  trot,  the  ice  being  covered  by  only  a  light 
blanket  of  snow.  The  Siberian  banks  of  the  Amur  were  more  and  more  distant.  After 
travelling  one  and  a  half  kilometres  they  had  to  twist  and  turn  between  islands.  The  horses 
were  urged  onward,  and  when  the  first  rays  of  the  sun  appeared,  the  caravan  reached  the 
Chinese  shore.  Since  they  were  soon  surrounded  by  curious  Chinese  people,  the 
Mennonites  assumed  they  had  reached  China,  but  so  great  was  the  fear  of  possible  GPU 
reprisal  that  the  refugees  found  it  difficult  to  believe. 

The  group  entered  the  Chinese  village  of  Kani-Fu,  where  according  to  the  previous 
arrangements,  they  received  a  friendly  reception.  Now  the  hard  ice  of  their  fear  could  melt, 
their  doubts  could  be  eased,  prayers  of  thanks  could  go  up  to  God. 

A  total  of  217  people  fled  across  the  Amur  that  night,  of  which  175  were  from  the 
village  of  Shumanovka.  But  there  was  one  tragedy.  When  the  women  and  children  were 
unloaded  in  Kani-Fu  it  was  discovered  that  one  two  year  old,  the  daughter  of  Aron 
Warkentin,  had  died  of  suffocation  because  of  the  heavy  blankets  she  was  wrapped  in. 
Several  men  had  severe  frostbite,  which  was  discovered  during  the  warming  up  phase,  when 
they  had  severe  pain.  Later,  in  Harbin,  a  number  of  their  gangrenous  toes  had  to  be 
amputated. 

They  were  safe,  but  the  adventures  were  not  over  as  yet.  Alexander,  the  Chinese 
guide  needed  to  be  paid.  The  refugees  feared  that  if  he  really  stuck  to  his  bargain,  they 
would  not  have  enough  horses  to  proceed  further.  He  finally  allowed  the  smaller  families 
to  combine  in  their  payment,  accepting  the  22  best  horses  the  Mennonites  had  as  full 
recompense.  They  then  had  to  pay  five  rubles  tax  to  the  Chinese  authorities  for  each  of  the 
remaining  horses.  When  the  group  obtained  official  permission  to  stay  in  China,  they  left 
Kani-Fu  on  December  27,  and  travelled  the  eight  kilometres  to  the  larger  town  of 
Kotshuricha  on  their  sleighs.  From  there  eight  buses  picked  them  up,  and  with  many 
frustrating  episodes  along  the  way,  delivered  the  refugees  to  Qiqihar.  They  then  travelled 
to  Harbin  by  train,  arriving  on  February  12,  1931. 

Other  groups  escaped  to  Harbin  in  a  similar  manner,  so  that  soon  hundreds  of 
refugees  were  put  up  in  the  city.  In  time,  to  a  considerable  degree  through  the  efforts  of  the 
Mennonite  Central  Committee,  but  even  using  the  intervention  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
they  were  accepted  into  the  United  States,  Brazil  and  Paraguay.  The  last  refugees  did  not 
leave  until  1934. 

Apparently  those  remaining  in  the  Amur  villages  were  forced  to  leave  the  border 
area,  and  many  were  imprisoned.  A  few  families  headed  even  further  eastward,  to  the 
island  of  Sakhalin.  Unfortunately  the  Bolsheviks  followed  them  even  to  this  remote  region. 


Sources: 

Ewert,  Isaak,  Blumenort,  Amurgebiet,  Unser  Blatt,  January  1928,  pp  89,  90 
Fast,  Gerhard,  In  den  Steppen  Sibiriens,  J.  Heese,  Rosthem,  Canada,  1953,  pp  152-155 
Loewen,  Abram  J.,  and  Friesen,  Abram,  Die  Flucht  ueber  den  Amur,  Echo-Verlag,  Rosthem 
and  Steinbach,  Canada,  1946,  pp  5-55.  This  account  is  the  principal  basis  for  the 
story  as  presented  here 


206 


Loewen,  Harry,  Flight  Across  the  River,  Chapter  29  in  No  Permanent  City,  Herald  Press, 
Waterloo,  Canada,  and  Scottdale,  USA,  1993,  pp  134-138 
Martens,  Wilfred,  River  of  Glass,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  1 980 
Mennonite  Encyclopedia 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  66,  67,  139 

Wiens,  Fr ,,Blumenort,  Amurgebiet,  Letter,  Unser  Blatt,  January  1928,  p  91 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Amur  Mennonite  Colonies  including  Escape  Route 
Map:  Escape  over  the  Amur  to  Harbin 


207 


208 


Amur  Mennonite  Colonies  including  Escape  Route 


209 


Escape  over  the  Amur  to  Harbin 


30.  THE  PURGE 

THE  GREAT  TERROR  OF  1936-1938 


Joseph  Stalin  had  apparently  become  dissatisfied  with  the  brutality  of  Genrikh  G. 
Yagoda,  so  on  September  26,  1936  he  appointed  Nicholas  I.  Yezhov  to  be  the  People’s 
Commissar  of  Internal  Affairs.  His  job  as  head  of  the  NKVD  was  to  end  all  real  opposition 
to  the  Communist  Party,  all  potential  opposition  to  the  Party,  and  of  course  all  possible 
threats  to  Stalin  himself.  He  was  known  to  lack  all  moral  qualities,  was  cruel  and 
uncompromising.  Pravda  called  him  the  “nation’s  favourite,”  and  claimed  that  he  had  a 
will  of  iron  and  exceptional  intelligence. 

Victims  of  “The  Purge”  which  Yezhov  unleashed  included  party  functionaries  - 
seventeen  of  them  being  tried  in  early  1 937,  charged  with  collaborating  with  Germany  and 
Japan.  The  Red  Army  was  decimated  by  many  arrests,  calling  into  question  the  potential 
effectiveness  as  a  fighting  force.  Despite  the  high  profile  given  to  these  victims,  the  real 
tragedy  involved  millions  of  ordinary,  totally  innocent  Soviet  citizens.  Minority  groups 
definitely  were  singled  out  for  special  treatment,  especially  religious  groups.  Within  the 
context  of  the  general  purge,  there  were  also  special  initiatives  -  for  no  apparent  reason 
except  that  more  arrests  were  demanded.  In  February,  1 938,  Yezhov  travelled  to  Kiev  for 
an  NKVD  conference,  and  then  ordered  30,000  more  executions  in  Ukraine.  It  seems  that 
files  were  kept  on  every  one.  When  an  order  came  in  for  1 ,000  more  imprisonments  in  an 
area,  the  officials  simply  called  in  the  next  1 ,000  people  on  the  list  under  virtually  any 
pretext.  They  were  quite  precise,  and  insisted  on  following  the  proper  order  on  the  list,  even 
if  it  meant  a  few  return  trips  to  ensure  that  the  chosen  person  was  arrested. 

Most  Mennonite  victims  were  arrested  and  sentenced  under  Article  58  of  the 
Russian  Criminal  Code  [Article  54  in  Ukraine].  This  law  prohibited  any  propaganda  or 
agitation,  anything  containing  an  appeal  for  the  overthrow,  subverting  or  weakening  of 
Soviet  power.  Having  considered  emigration,  any  criticism  of  conditions  in  the  USSR,  or 
receiving  letters  from  abroad  were  broadly  interpreted  as  weakening  the  Soviet  state. 

The  specific  number  of  arrests  and  executions  which  occurred  between  the  autumn 
of  1936  and  late  1938  is  under  some  dispute.  It  is  difficult  to  obtain  accurate  evidence  since 
the  current  keeper  of  the  archives  is  still  basically  the  same  organization  that  perpetrated  the 
crimes  in  the  first  place.  It  is  felt  by  many  that  there  may  have  been  about  seven  million 
arrests,  with  about  one  third  being  executed  fairly  promptly.  Many  of  the  others  died 
within  a  few  years  in  labour  camps,  most  of  starvation.  Very  few  survived  to  return  to  their 
families. 

The  overall  percentage  of  persons  arrested  in  all  of  the  USSR  was  about  4.3%. 
Mennonites,  being  both  a  racial  minority  and  a  religious  group  had  a  rate  double  that,  8-9%. 
During  the  Purge  8,000  to  9,000  Mennonite  men  and  a  small  number  of  women  were 
arrested,  with  most  occurring  between  June,  1937  and  August,  1938.  There  was 
considerable  variation  in  the  number  from  place  to  place,  for  example  in  Kondratievka 
[Borissovo  Settlement]  75  men  [18%]  were  taken,  often  including  fathers  and  sons,  while 
in  Rosengart  [Chortitza  Colony]  only  ten  were  taken  [3.3%].  Sometimes  other  factors 


210 


played  a  role.  It  is  likely  that  authorities  were  less  brutal  in  the  Rosengart  area  because  it 
was  part  of  a  collective  farm  used  as  a  model  to  display  to  foreigners  who  came  to  see  the 
neighbouring  dam  and  hydroelectric  facilities. 

In  the  autumn  of  1938  it  became  obvious  to  the  government  that  the  scale  of 
repression  was  having  a  serious  effect  on  the  economy  of  the  country.  The  collectivization 
of  the  early  1930s  had  concentrated  on  the  agricultural  system.  While  striking  in  all 
directions,  the  Purge  was  more  seriously  involving  the  industrial  sector.  November  17  the 
Soviet  Central  Committee  ordered  a  slowdown  in  arrests.  On  December  8,  1938  it  was 
announced  that  Y ezhov  had,  at  his  own  request,  been  released  from  his  position.  It  was  said 
that  he  was  arrested  in  1939,  and  shot  on  February  4,  1940.  Stalin  was  able  to  shift  the 
official  blame  to  his  direct  appointee,  so  that  the  Purge  or  the  Great  Terror  was  known  as 
“The  Time  of  Yezhov.” 

It  is  the  human  tragedy  that  one  paranoid  leader,  and  one  ruthless  follower,  can 
impose  so  much  suffering  and  death  on  so  many  in  such  a  short  time. 

The  numbers  are  absolutely  terrifying,  but  mean  little  without  recognizing  that  each 
numeral  represents  a  life,  a  family  with  wife  and  children,  with  untold  pain  and  heartache. 
We  will  present  a  few  stories  of  specific  people  who  were  victims  in  this  dark  period  of 
human  history. 


Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  309-310 

Letkemann,  Peter,  Mennonite  Victims  of  the  ‘Great  Terror, '  1936-1938,  Journal  of  Mennonite 
Studies,  Volume  16,  1998,  pp  33-58 

Letkemann,  Peter,  Mennonites  in  the  Soviet  Inferno,  Preservings,  Number  13,  December  1998,  p  1 1 
Toews,  John  B.,  Czars,  Soviets  and  Mennonites,  Faith  and  Life  Press,  Newton,  USA,  1982 
pp  163-176 

Toews,  John  B.,  Journeys:  Mennonite  Stories  of  Faith  and  Survival  in  Stalin 's  Russia,  Kindred 
Productions,  Winnipeg,  Canada  and  Hillsboro,  USA,  1998,  pp  9-10 


Background  Information: 

Joseph  Vissarionovich  Djugashvili 

Nikolai  Loewen 

Franz  Teichrieb 

Nikolai  Huebert 

Map:  Dnepropetrovsk  Oblast 

Map:  Central  Crimea 

Map:  USSR 


211 


“You  were  always  a  great  friend  of  mine,  Joseph” 


JOSEPH  VISSARIONOVICH  DJUGASHVILI 

[1879-  1953] 

In  1913  he  adopted  the  name  “Stalin” 
meaning  “man  of  steel” 

This  cartoon  by  Herblock  appeared  in  the  Winnipeg  Free  Press  on  March  7,  1953, 
and  likely  in  many  other  papers  that  same  day.  It  was  chosen  as  cartoon  of  the 

year  by  Time  Magazine. 


212 


NIKOLAI  LOEWEN 

[1910-  1937?] 


Nikolai  Loewen  had  begun  training  as  a  veterinarian,  was  unable  to  complete  his  education, 
but  had  enough  knowledge  to  work  in  this  field.  He  practiced  in  Friedensfeld  [a  village  near 
Nikopol]  and  the  surrounding  villages  as  well  as  in  the  local  collective  farm. 

Nikolai  and  his  wife  Anna  lived  in  the  middle  of  Friedensfeld  with  their  three  young 
children,  Harry,  Hans  and  the  infant  Helen.  There  were  some  ominous  clouds  on  the  horizon. 
Nikolai's  father,  Johann  Loewen,  had  been  arrested  in  June  of  1937,  and  imprisoned  in  Nikopol. 
He  had  been  tortured  and  forced  to  sign  a  confession  that  he  had  destroyed  vineyards  and  orchards 
on  the  collective  farm.  Even  more  unsettling  was  the  rumour  that  Nikolai  had  heard  that  his  own 
wife  Anna  was  on  the  list  for  arrest.  He  had  come  home  crying  one  day  because  of  this  fear. 

Late  one  night  in  mid  September  the  family  was  rudely  awakened  by  loud  knocking.  Anna 
whispered  to  Nikolai  “Now  they  have  come  to  get  you.”  They  got  up,  dressed  and  lit  a  lamp. 
Nikolai  went  to  open  the  door.  Two  NKVD  officers  in  plain  clothes  came  in  and  searched  drawers 
for  letters  and  other  documents.  They  told  Nikolai  to  get  ready  to  go  with  them. 

Anna  cried,  pleading  that  her  husband,  the  father  of  three  young  children,  should  not  be 
taken.  One  of  the  officers  sneered  “Don’t  cry  so  much,  your  husband  will  soon  come  back”.  Anna, 
courage  aroused,  snapped  “Don’t  give  me  that!  You  know  he  will  never  come  back.  I  will  never 
see  him  again!” 

Nikolai  was  led  away  between  the  two  NKVD  officers.  Anna,  still  crying,  rushed  after  him 
with  his  overshoes.  “Kolya,”  she  wept,  “You’ve  forgotten  your  galoshes \”[Kolya  is  the  Russian 
abbreviation  for  Nikolai].  Nikolai  turned,  went  back  to  his  wife  and  embraced  her  one  last  time. 
He  went  to  the  bed  of  his  oldest  son,  the  six  year  old  Harry,  put  a  hand  on  his  head  and  said  “Harry, 
I  may  not  see  you  again.  Be  good  to  mother  and  help  her  as  much  as  you  can.”  Then  he  went  with 
his  captors.  The  motor  of  the  “black  raven”  car  started,  and  they  were  off. 

For  the  next  few  weeks  Anna  visited  Nikolai  and  his  father  Johann  in  the  prison  in  Nikopol. 
She  brought  them  food,  and  hoped  to  hear  news  about  what  might  happen  to  them.  Nikolai  was 
also  tortured  and  forced  to  sign  papers  documenting  trumped  up  charges.  As  a  veterinarian  he  was 
accused  of  having  poisoned  cattle  on  the  collective  farm. 

After  three  or  four  weeks  both  Nikolai  and  his  father  were  moved  -  either  to  the  far  north 
or  Siberia,  or  to  the  place  of  execution.  Neither  were  heard  from  again.  The  family  was  later 
informed  that  Nikolai  had  died  in  1940,  although  the  strong  suspicion  is  that  he  was  executed  long 
before  that. 

Altogether  28  men  were  arrested  in  Friedensfeld  in  1937,  another  10  in  1938;  this 
represented  almost  all  of  the  able  bodied  Mennonite  men  of  the  village. 


Sources: 

Dorfbericht,  Friedensfeld,  Der  Reichsminister  fuer  die  besetzten  Ostgebiete,  abgefasst  den 
Monat  August  1942 

Loewen,  Harry,  'Can  the  Son  Answer  for  the  Father?  ’  Reflections  on  the  Stalinist  Terror, 
Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies,  Volume  16,  1998,  pp  76-90 
Loewen,  Harry,  Personal  Interview 

Toews,  A.,  A.,  Mennonitische  Maertyrer,  Volume  2,  1954,  Article  written  by  Helene  Loewen, 
Johann  Loewen,  pp  121-123 


213 


FRANZ  TEICHRIEB 
[1895  -  1940?] 


Franz  Teichrieb  with  his  wife  Susanna,  and  children  Elvira,  Arnold,  Anneliese  and  Gerhard 
lived  in  the  village  of  Spat,  Crimea.  Franz  taught  geometry  and  cabinet  making  in  the  local  high 
school,  but  when  the 
collective  farm  needed 
his  skills,  his  services 
were  transferred  there. 

There  was  no 
active  church  in  Spat, 
there  were  no  Bible 
studies.  Once  Franz  and 
his  wife  sat  in  their  house 
and  sang  the  old  gospel 
songs.  He  had  really 
enjoyed  that. 

It  was  November 
24,  1936.  The  first  snow 
had  fallen;  it  was  a 
beautiful  evening.  Franz 
suggested  to  his  wife 
“lets  go  visit  Tante 
Gretchen,  "who  lived  at  the  other  end  of  the  village.  Franz’s  mother,  Mrs.  Elisabeth  Wall,  watched 
the  children,  while  he  and  Susanna  walked  to  their  destination. 

No  sooner  were  they  gone  when  a  policeman  came  to  the  door  asking  for  Franz.  He  was 
told  that  the  couple  had  gone  for  a  visit.  The  policeman  came  back  in  half  an  hour,  this  time  with 
a  German  shepherd  police  dog.  Franz  was  still  not  at  home.  Would  the  Teichriebs  be  drinking, 
Mrs.  Wall  was  asked.  No,  she  said,  but  since  they  were  staying  such  a  long  time  they  were 
obviously  having  a  good  time. 

Finally  returning  home,  Franz  wanted  to  stop  in  at  his  cabinet  shop  to  check  his  tools,  but 
the  police  saw  him  on  the  street,  and  told  him  not  to  bother.  This  time  there  were  two  policemen. 
They  escorted  Franz  into  the  house  and  told  him  to  put  his  hands  up.  The  whole  family  had  to  sit 
around  the  table  while  the  police  searched  the  house.  They  found  a  picture  of  Elvira  as  a  small  girl, 
but  after  some  pleading,  left  it  with  the  family.  They  told  Susanna  to  get  Franz  some  warm 
clothing,  blankets  and  a  pillow.  Then,  by  this  time  about  1 1  PM,  Franz  was  ordered  to  go  with  the 
two  policemen. 

Susanna  cried.  Franz  said  goodby,  that  the  family  should  be  brave  and  not  worry.  When 
Franz  and  the  policemen  were  gone  the  family  moved  all  their  beds  together  -  feeling  slight  comfort 
with  the  close  company. 

Franz  was  taken  to  a  prison  in  Simferopol.  The  crimes  he  was  accused  of  were  singing 
religious  songs  and  receiving  mail  from  Canada.  Susanna  went  to  visit  him  periodically,  usually 
taking  along  food,  with  leaves  of  the  Bible  tucked  in.  The  eldest  daughter,  Elvira,  went  along  on 
one  occasion.  They  were  in  the  same  room,  but  there  were  two  tables  between  them,  and  a 
policeman  watching  at  all  times. 

Then  Franz  told  his  wife  that  he  would  likely  be  sent  away  fairly  soon,  and  this  would  be 
by  train.  He  had  written  a  number  of  letters  to  the  family  which  he  was  unable  to  give  them.  He 


The  Teichrieb  Family  in  1932  or  1933 


214 


would  pack  them  into  a  box,  and  throw  them  off  the  train  at  a  certain  bend  of  the  railroad  track 
near  Spat. 

Imprisonment  in  Simferopol  continued  for  about  one  year,  then  the  inevitable  occurred,  and 
Franz  was  sent  away,  presumably  to  the  far  north  or  to  Siberia.  Elvira  and  a  friend  were  sent  to 
search  the  track  around  the  designated  area  and  actually  found  the  box  of  letters!  Susanna  and  her 

family  carefully 
read  each  line 
that  Franz  had 
written.  He  was 
worried  about 
how  he  and  the 
family  would 
manage  the  five 
year  separation 
[presumably  he 
had  received  a 
five  year 
sentence  for  his 
crimes  against 
the  state].  He 
asked  Susanna 
to  greet  their 
relatives,  for 
Elvira  to  help 
her  mother.  He 
encouraged 
Susanna  to  bring 

up  the  children  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord.  The  family  knew  no  new  address,  so  it  was  impossible  to 
communicate. 

Finally  after  a  year  a  letter  arrived,  from  Magadan,  on  the  Sea  of  Okhotsk,  well  north  of 
Vladivostok,  about  6,600  kilometres  from  home  as  the  crow  flies.  Franz  was  sick,  his  teeth  were 
falling  out,  obviously  from  malnutrition.  Despite  their  own  poverty  the  family  quickly  packed 
together  what  food  they  could  find  as  well  what  they  thought  would  be  the  most  nutritious  -  bacon, 
garlic,  halva  and  onions,  and  sent  it  off. 

Then  there  was  silence.  The  next  letter  came  from  a  friend  of  Franz’s.  Franz  had  died. 
The  family  should  contact  Simferopol  about  details.  There  they  were  told  that  Franz  had  died  of 
a  heart  attack,  although  their  own  presumption  was  that  the  true  cause  was  starvation. 


atui  tJl  otcxx QtAdnt  v ..  atix. 


A  4c/  rtt  su. , 


rt 

•  *****  h 


am  atu  tut 
tMteudaHte*"  mu**#'  fcAMmv,  ,< 

•Yht.ihUt.~L  fCet'iCutJbtiMS  m  ttn.  % tuxh  £ct£x4-  aitt  Mln-i 

'titbit.  I. 

eiix  •yt-’L-V  C'h‘!  J’.l'it  C^tdxX.it4tt  tttUfL&C&Jl* .ami*.  • 

tst/lt  Out-tAy  cx.pl..  itfJA  tfti.  t-  fr. 

7  i  'Pnet/? 

ix  'X/c 

fh.1  OU’.-n.fzeu  %■  ittf.t,  V/a.'t  ASA-GAm-  sU!.*jjL., 

4u.ii.tX.yiTi.pyr  ,  V tkfr  WMA  'vrx.iAAi.  k. Ct& 

hx.  4-&&U'-  ,  dxxVr.x  (gpt  ek  c&1iSx.xi4  tCt  1  -‘XX-tit. 

'luhSstfit.t*  f  tfewt.  i  kicpU£  tpHxftsu  Aitb.t  AAMoUtk.  ’Tutfk  a6(y  n, 
H*A*\sMty  .ha&t .  4*  uSvt  jfi’b-f'  4t.i4t.ti 

*9**vh.  H'i'l  *ne <Ui  jtAstvyyfltf,  dit.  3  m  'MiVidle.n.  11‘ttjdyi  J6eJ.~ 

tU'plt  yi  ‘U.i  i .In  ’'jpcxC.H-  il-CO  1-.  jytvxfft.  *4  ty  t  r  Jtt  SfJ.  1  (/pH.  n. 

Xt  U  fix. 

*  &{(•  &Mia. 


«  , 


/XiJ-  /i&zX&d.  Qjyit “^4  '^4 

ft  vn-i/i.  tfiuy  &/f&  tuxA  a&ttfa. 

:k£  _ /.  ■'*.  .  *  me  ' 


j6*  -tnist  tfotiliai  /U4ut.  <x#<  m.  xCM.  iay  /c  rytiit.  ai‘tl  1 4,  ff  04r 

,  /■.  ki'“i  uxdti  c,'/.rxj  ou£i/*.t.  <tt4yt  „ 


•  v 

tt-ft  HI t< 


Letter  written  by  Franz  Teichrieb  in  prison  in  Simferopol,  dated  July  23 


Sources: 

Loewen  [Teichrieb],  Elvira,  Personal  Interview 
Teichrieb,  Anneliese,  Personal  Interview 


215 


NIKOLAI  HUEBERT 

[1905  -  1939  orl940] 


Nikolai  Huebert  with  his  wife  Elisabeth  and  children  Maria,  Louise  and  Nikolai  lived  in 
Tchongrav,  Crimea,  in  the  home  of  his  parents,  the  Heinrich  Hueberts.  Nikolai  seems  to  have  been 
a  jack  of  all  trades,  fixing  such  things  as  tractors,  but  he  was  assigned  to  the  pumping  station  of  the 
collective  farm. 

Seventeen  men  from  Tchongrav  were  notified  that  they  had  to  appear  in  court  in 
Simferopol,  the  neighbouring  large  city.  They  left  early  on  the  morning  of  January  30,  1937.  They 
arrived  in  Simferopol  later  that  day,  and  were  promptly  imprisoned. 

Elisabeth  had  been  pregnant  at  the  time  when  Nikolai  was  arrested;  a  daughter,  Agnes,  was 
bom  April  23.  Elisabeth,  together  with  Maria  and  the  newly  arrived  Agnes  went  to  visit  Nikolai 
on  at  least  two  occasions.  They  first  walked  20  kilometres  to  the  station  at  Biyuk-Onlar,  where 
they  stayed  overnight,  sleeping  on  straw,  then  went  on  by  train  the  rest  of  the  way  to  Simferopol 
the  next  day.  On  one  occasion  Elisabeth  was  asked  to  sign  an  innocent  looking  paper.  She  read 
the  contents,  found  no  incriminating  evidence,  and  signed  as  requested. 

When  Nikolai’s  case  came  to  the  court  he  was  accused  of  trying  to  poison  the  whole 
village,  through  the  pumping  station.  The  authorities  had  found  half  a  bottle  of  poison  in  the 
household.  The  fact  was  that  there  were  many  flies  in  the  family  bam.  It  was  common  to  set  out 
little  dishes,  with  a  touch  of  fly  poison  in  the  water.  Nikolai,  the  court  was  told,  was  going  to 
poison  the  whole  village  with  this  weak  fly  poison!  They  had  also  added  to  the  paper  that  Elisabeth 
had  signed,  so  that  it  was  claimed  that  she  had  confirmed  in  writing  that  her  husband  was  guilty. 
Nikolai  was  sentenced  to  seven  years  in  prison,  and  was  sent  off  to  Vladivostok,  then  further  north 
to  Okhotsk. 

Elisabeth  wrote  Nikolai  a  letter  in  1938,  telling  him  that  his  mother  had  died.  The  letter 
came  back  a  year  later,  unopened,  with  a  note  stating  that  he  had  died.  Elisabeth  applied  to 
Simferopol  for  more  information,  and  after  a  year  was  informed  that  Nikolai  was  alive  and  working, 
but  that  his  sentence  had  been  extended  from  seven  to  ten  years.  That  is  the  last  the  family  ever 
heard  of  Nikolai.  Their  suspicion  is  that  he  likely  died  soon  after  reaching  Okhotsk,  sometime  in 
1939  or  1940. 

All  of  the  seventeen  men  who  went  to  Simferopol  that  fateful  January  30  were  imprisoned 
and  tried.  With  the  peculiar  twists  of  the  sadistic  cruelty  of  the  Stalin  era,  most  were  sentenced  to 
jail  terms  with  the  usual  trumped  up  charges,  but  a  few  actually  were  declared  innocent  by  the  court 
and  returned  home  after  some  months. 


Sources: 

Klassen  [Huebert],  Mary,  Personal  Interview 


216 


The  USSR  showing  the  cities  near  which  Nikolai  Loewen,  Franz  Teichrieb  and  Nikolai 
Huebert  lived  in  Ukraine  and  the  Crimea,  and  the  final  destinations  of  Franz  Teichrieb  and 
Nikolai  Huebert  in  the  far  eastern  part  of  Siberia 


217 


31.  STULNEVO 
OCTOBER  2-8,  1941 


World  War  II  began  when  Germany  invaded  Poland  on  September  1,  1939.  The 
Soviet  Union  showed  its  true  imperialist  colours  by  participating  in  the  destruction  of  its 
neighbour  by  also  invading,  and  occupying  the  eastern  part  of  Poland.  So  Hitler  and  Stalin 
were,  although  somewhat  wary,  allies. 

This  illusion  was  broken  at  4  AM  on  June  22,  1941,  when  German  forces  smashed 
across  the  border  with  140  divisions,  3,300  tanks  and  2,770  aircraft.  Three  initial  thrusts 
were  to  the  Baltic  states  by  the  Northern  Army,  toward  Moscow  by  Army  Group  Centre, 
and  to  the  wealth  and  industry  of  Ukraine  by  the  Southern  Army.  On  July  9  the  success  of 
the  German  invasion  was  so  dramatic  in  all  sectors  that  General  Haider,  Chief  of  the 
German  Army  General  Staff,  considered  the  war  as  good  as  won.  By  August,  German  and 
Romanian  forces  pushed  deep  into  Ukraine,  by  the  end  of  the  month  occupying  all  areas 
west  of  the  Dniepr  River.  Here  they  halted  for  some  time  to  regroup  for  the  push  further 
eastward.  The  Chortitza  Colony  had  been  occupied,  but  not  the  Molotschna. 

It  was  the  Soviet  policy  to  evacuate  as  much  industry  as  possible,  together  with  the 
required  labour  force,  away  from  the  areas  about  to  be  occupied  by  the  enemy.  They  were 
moved  to  the  Volga,  to  the  Urals,  to  Siberia  as  well  as  Kazakhstan.  Whenever  enough 
transport  was  available  as  much  of  the  population  as  could  be  crammed  onto  trains  was  also 
shipped  eastward.  This  applied  particularly  to  minority  groups  which  had  been  persecuted 
by  the  Soviets,  who  therefore  might  welcome  German  occupation.  The  Mennonites, 
although  a  small  and  relatively  insignificant  group,  were  one  of  these  minorities. 

To  help  in  the  war  effort  first  men  and  then  also  women  were  requisitioned  from  the 
Molotschna  to  dig  trenches  and  tank  traps.  First  30,  then  another  35,  50  and  then  80  were 
demanded  from  Gnadenfeld.  This  despite  the  fact  that  many  men  had  previously  been 
“taken”  during  the  Purge  and  the  added  immediate  need  for  people  to  harvest  the  fields. 
News  was  hard  to  come  by,  but  obviously  the  front  was  approaching.  About  September  30 
all  remaining  men  from  the  Molotschna  villages  between  the  ages  of  16  and  65  were 
ordered  to  report  to  the  administrative  centres.  They  were  marched  off,  put  on  trains  and 
taken  away  to  the  far  north  or  Siberia,  presumably  to  work  in  the  newly  established 
industrial  areas.  Altogether  1,547  men  were  carried  off  from  23  Molotschna  villages  [the 
numbers  from  the  other  36  villages  were  not  recorded,  but  extrapolating  the  percentage,  the 
total  number  taken  would  have  been  3,968].  Many  of  these  men  were  never  seen  again. 

As  the  invading  forces  came  nearer  the  Soviets  tried  to  evacuate  the  whole 
Molotschna  population.  With  the  German  pause  for  regrouping  on  the  western  banks  of  the 
Dniepr,  the  Soviets  managed  to  spirit  away  many  of  the  documents  and  some  of  the  factory 
machinery,  but  the  people  remained.  On  October  2  all  villages  were  ordered  to  evacuate. 
Each  person  was  allowed  a  total  of  200  kilograms  [which  included  food,  clothing  and 
bedding],  and  was  to  be  ready  on  the  street  in  two  hours.  Preparations  were  made  in  haste, 
sometimes  trading  with  neighbours  for  needed  items,  such  as  warm  clothing.  Special  troops 
came  to  every  house  to  make  sure  that  absolutely  no  one  stayed  behind.  Tractors  pulling 


218 


trains  of  ladder  wagons  appeared  on  the  street,  and  everyone  was  packed  onto  these  wagons 
with  all  their  worldly  possessions.  Then  it  was  off  to  one  of  three  railroad  stations.  The 
western  and  southern  villages  were  taken  to  Lichtenau,  those  in  the  north-west  area  went 
to  Halbstadt,  the  northern  and  eastern  sector  collected  at  Stulnevo,  near  Waldheim.  At 
Halbstadt  there  were  about  10,000,  at  Stulnevo  about  6,000  people.  The  latter  group 
included  the  villages  of  Gnadenfeld,  Nikolaidorf,  Margenau,  Gnadenthal,  Gnadenheim, 
Friedensdorf,  Landskrone,  Hierschau,  Waldheim,  Hamberg,  Klippenfeld,  Wemersdorf, 
Liebenau,  Schoensee,  Paulsheim,  Mariawohl,  Konteniusfeld  and  part  of  Sparrau. 

The  crowd  arriving  at  Stulnevo  consisted  almost  exclusively  of  women,  children  and 
old  men.  They  settled  just  south  of  the  railroad  tracks,  near  the  station  and  warehouses,  in 
a  fenced  in  area.  Here  they  were  told  to  wait  until  a  suitable  train  came  through.  People 
tended  to  stay  in  village  groups,  each  family  trying  to  construct  a  cubicle  with  its  belongings 
forming  small  walls  around  its  territory.  Luckily  the  weather  was  pleasant.  With  nightfall 
coming  the  children  started  to  cry,  and  the  mothers  tried  to  make  meals.  Facilities  for 
cooking  consisted  only  of  what  had  been  brought  along,  and  firewood  was  in  short  supply. 
People  wandered  through  the  surrounding  area,  and  scrounged  whatever  they  could  fmd  ; 
boards  from  fences  were  soon  all  gone.  Hot  water  was  available  if  there  was  a  steam 
locomotive  in  the  station,  with  a  compassionate  engineer.  Toilets  were  not  available,  so  the 
people  had  to  go  to  the  neighbouring  fields  to  relieve  themselves. 

Many  trains  went  through  the  station,  freight  trains  with  grain  and  other  goods 
heading  eastward.  There  were  also  trains  with  people  from  the  western  and  southern 
Molotschna  villages  sitting  on  top  of  grain  on  open  freight  cars.  The  passengers  called  out 
greetings  “Follow  us,  we  are  being  shipped  to  central  Asia,  to  Kazakhstan!”  Others  greeted 
friends  and  relatives.  But  there  was  no  train  for  the  Stulnevo  crowd. 

So  it  went  for  several  days.  The  good  weather  continued.  Children  went  out  to 
search  for  firewood.  Mothers  tried  to  prepare  food.  Boys  formed  gangs  to  protect  their 
village  turf.  One  evening  someone  started  to  play  guitar  and  sing  hymns.  At  first,  likely 
fearing  the  guards,  the  singing  was  hesitant,  then  it  increased  in  strength  and  confidence. 
Soon  the  air  was  filled  with  song. 

On  the  fourth  day  the  people  were  told  to  move  further  away  from  the  station.  They 
all  dragged  their  belongings  over  the  “polluted”  area  near  the  camp  onto  the  open  fields 
beyond.  On  the  sixth  day  Soviet  troops  were  seen  moving  eastward,  a  tank  rumbled  by  and 
some  of  the  soldiers  hid  in  a  nearby  cornfield.  High  in  the  air  a  dogfight  between  fighter- 
planes  erupted.  One  Soviet  aircraft  escaped,  but  another  was  hit.  The  burning  plane 
crashed  into  a  hedge  near  the  refugee  encampment,  ammunition  on  board  exploding  and 
causing  quite  a  fireworks.  The  pilot  was  dead. 

Station  personnel  had  fled,  the  guards  were  gone.  An  army  unit  had  moved  in  to 
destroy  what  they  could.  The  station  and  railroad  track  were  blown  up,  sending  debris 
flying.  Railroad  tracks,  ties  and  bricks  rained  down  on  the  camp,  killing  at  least  one 
refugee,  a  Mrs.  Ebert  from  Gnadenfeld.  Then  the  grain  elevators  and  gasoline  and  oil 
storage  tanks  were  blown  up,  the  resulting  fires  creating  quite  a  spectacle,  lighting  up  the 
night  sky.  Explosions  could  also  be  heard  from  the  direction  of  Waldheim,  where  factory 
buildings  were  being  demolished. 


219 


Towards  morning  it  started  to  drizzle,  and  with  the  cool  temperature  there  was  soon 
a  crust  of  ice  on  the  makeshift  bed  covers.  Some  tried  to  start  fires  to  warm  up.  But  there 
was  a  bright  side  to  the  miseiy!  The  guards  were  nowhere  to  be  seen.  With  no  one  to  stop 
them  some  adventuresome  women  had  gone  back  to  their  villages,  and  finding  no 
roadblocks,  came  back  to  move  their  families  home.  Around  noon  some  people  came  with 
horses  and  wagons,  others  with  hand  carts  to  help  in  the  move.  By  evening  many  had 
moved  to  the  neighbouring  village  of  Waldheim,  using  the  wagons  or  even  walking.  The 
following  day  they  headed  for  their  own  home  villages. 

No  traces  were  found  of  Soviet  soldiers,  with  German  and  Romanian  troops 
occupying  the  region.  There  had  been  bomb  damage  to  some  of  the  Molotschna  villages 
during  the  battle  for  the  area.  The  Jakob  Loewen  family  from  Gnadenfeld,  for  example, 
found  some  bomb  damage  in  the  village,  but  most  of  the  houses  were  intact.  German 
soldiers  had  moved  in  to  their  home,  but  gladly  doubled  up  to  give  the  family  some  room 
as  well.  They  even  allowed  the  Loewens  to  eat  in  the  army  mess  kitchen,  which  provided 
them  with  much  needed  nutritious  food. 

The  people  in  Gnadenfeld  cleaned  out  a  previously  unused  church,  and  a  Lutheran 
army  chaplain  conducted  the  first  service  to  be  held  in  the  village  for  seven  years. 


Sources: 

Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau :  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  313-317 

Loewen  Schmidt,  Agathe,  Gnadenfeld,  Molotschna,  Kitchener,  Canada,  pp  31-33 
Loewen,  Walter,  personal  account  and  interview 


Background  Information: 

Map:  Northeastern  Molotschna 


220 


the  Stulnevo  Station  on  October  2,  1941 


221 


32.  THE  GREAT  TREK 
1943  -  1945 


With  its  retreat  back  westward  after  the  capitulation  at  Stalingrad,  the  German  Army 
was  ordered  to  take  with  it  the  remaining  population  of  Soviet  Germans,  numbering 
approximately  350,000.  This  included  35,000  Mennonites. 

The  initial  phase  of  the  Great  Trek  was  relatively  well  organized  and  orderly.  The 
first  Mennonite  colony  to  evacuate  was  the  Molotschna,  on  September  12,  1943.  As  the 
front  swept  further  westward,  with  the  Reds  crossing  the  Dniepr  River,  the  Chortitza  was 
evacuated,  some  people  travelling  by  railway,  others  joining  the  Molotschna  wagon  trains. 
By  late  October  Sagradovka  wagons  also  joined  the  long  columns  of  evacuees.  With  much 
hardship,  and  several  stops  along  the  way,  the  refugees  reached  the  Warthegau  area  of 
Poland.  Here  they  remained  in  relative  peace  for  almost  a  year. 

The  relentless  Soviet  advance  continued,  so  in  January,  1945,  the  front  had  reached 
Poland  and  East  Prussia.  The  resulting  evacuation,  the  “Flight,”  less  organized,  was  a  mad 
scramble  for  everyone  to  flee  farther  westward.  The  Polish  and  Danzig  Mennonites  also 
joined  the  refugees,  some  trying  to  flee  northward  via  the  Baltic  Sea. 

People  fled  on  trains,  some  with  wagons,  many  on  foot.  People  tried  to  stay 
together  as  families  and  village  groups,  but  were  often  separated.  Many  were  killed  with 
the  Soviet  advance  and  the  aircraft  bombing  and  strafing  of  the  refugee  columns.  The  two 
most  common  factors  which  drove  the  refugees  onward  were  the  fear  of  rape  of  the  women, 
and  the  threat  of  repatriation. 

When  the  refugees  did  reach  Germany  some  had  the  misfortune  of  not  getting  quite 
far  enough.  The  Elbe  River  was  the  magic  dividing  line  between  east  and  west  decided  on 
in  Yalta,  but  this  was  not  communicated  to  the  fleeing  hoard  of  refugees!  Often  the  lives 
of  people,  families  and  whole  village  groups  depended  on  exactly  where  they  were  at  the 
time.  Many  people  who  did  make  it  to  the  western  zones  were  still  forcibly  “repatriated” 
by  the  Soviets,  often  with  the  complicity  of  Allied  forces. 

As  mentioned,  35,000  Mennonites  started  on  the  Trek.  A  total  of  12,000  escaped 
to,  and  stayed  in  the  Allied  zones  of  occupation.  About  23,000  were  recaptured  by  the 
Soviets  and  transported  “home”  -  often  to  the  far  north  or  the  far  reaches  of  Siberia. 

The  Trek,  among  Mennonite  migrations,  was  unique  in  a  number  of  ways.  It  was 
certainly  the  most  brutal,  the  most  associated  with  hardship,  terror  and  death.  Many  people 
died  of  disease  along  the  way,  or  were  killed  by  the  Soviets  or  partisans.  Most  migrations 
were  to  some  anticipated  land  of  plenty  and  freedom.  This  one  was  simply  a  desperate 
attempt  to  escape.  The  Mennonites  who  went  on  this  migration  had  already  suffered  many 
deprivations,  with  most  of  the  able-bodied  men  having  been  murdered  or  exiled.  The 
families  were  therefore  fragmented  and  consisted  of  a  disproportionate  number  of  women. 
The  Gnadenfeld  contingent  of  673  individuals,  for  example,  consisted  of  227  married  or 
widowed  women,  only  31  married  men,  222  single  females,  148  single  males,  and  45 
individuals  of  unknown  gender.  The  Hierschau  group,  while  smaller,  had  similar 
percentages.  There  were  36  adult  women,  seven  men,  25  girls  and  19  boys,  with  over  21 


222 


being  children,  gender  not  mentioned.  By  and  large  the  Mennonite  refugees,  therefore, 
consisted  of  old  men,  women  and  children. 

The  best  way  to  outline  what  happened  on  the  “Great  Trek”  is  to  present  a 
chronology  of  events. 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  GREAT  TREK 

June  22,  1941  German  invasion  of  Soviet  Union,  with  three  main  thrusts,  the  southern 
into  Ukraine 

September,  October,  1941 

German  occupation  of  area  where  major  Mennonite  colonies  were 
situated,  Sagradovka,  Chortitza,  Molotschna. 

In  some  areas  Soviets  evacuated  the  Mennonites  before  Germans  arrived 

Relative  peace  in  the  area  for  two  years 

1942  German  advances  and  retreats,  the  farthest  east  advance  to  Stalingrad 

February  2,  1943 

German  Sixth  Army  surrounded  and  capitulated  in  Stalingrad.  Slow,  but 
relentless  retreat  began 


Summer,  1943 

German  Army  ordered  to  retreat,  and  to  take  the  remaining  Soviet 
German  population  with  them 

September  9  and  10,  1943 

Mayors  of  all  Molotschna  villages  received  word  to  obtain  wagons  for 
every  family.  Covers  added,  food  prepared 

September  1 1  and  12,  1943 

Full  scale  Trek  began  from  the  Molotschna.  Ten  kilometre  long  caravan 
headed  southwest 

September  1 9  Arrived  at  Kachovka  on  the  Dniepr  River 
Crossed  to  Berislav  on  two  pontoon  bridges 

Late  September 

Reached  Sagradovka  area. 

Stayed  about  one  month.  Helped  with  the  crops 

Chortitza  also  evacuated.  1,200  fled  by  train,  the  rest  joined  the  Trek 

Late  October  Red  Army  crossed  the  Dniepr  River 


223 


October  25  Resumed  the  Trek,  with  Sagradovka  refugees  joining 

Conditions  terrible  with  rain,  snow,  rutted  muddy  roads,  trouble  finding 
fodder  for  horses  and  cattle 


Chortitza  wagons  joining  the  Trek 


“Winter  was  coming,  and  with  it  never  ending  rains... Often  up  to  the  axles  in  mud.  The 
horses  would  slip  and  fall... We  would  push  the  wagon,  walking  deep  in  mud  ourselves. 
Faces,  hands,  clothing,  shoes  -  everything  full  of  mud  and  wet.  We  were  cold  and  wet, 
hungry  and  had  little  strength  left...” 


November,  1943 

Stopped  three  or  four  days  in  Vinnitsa 

Many  women  and  children  put  on  trains,  men  continued  by  “road”  with 
remaining  wagons 


December,  1943 

Various  groups  struggled  into  Podolia  area,  on  the  Russian-Polish  border 


224 


“We  were  cold  and  wet,  hungry  and  had  little  strength  left...” 


Late  February,  1944 

Front  again  approaching,  very  few  wagons  left 

Most  refugees  put  onto  trains.  Last  trains  almost  captured  by  Soviets 

Middle  of  March,  1944 

200,000  Soviet  Germans,  including  the  35,000  Mennonites,  reached  the 
Warthegau  area  west  of  Warsaw.  They  were  distributed  in 
villages  and  farms  in  the  area 
Were  offered,  and  many  accepted  German  citizenship 

September,  1944 

Total  mobilization  in  Germany,  almost  all  men  between  ages  of  16 

and  65  drafted,  including  Mennonite  refugees.  Some  fought  in 
the  Battle  of  the  Bulge  on  the  Western  Front 

January  17  and  18,  1945 

Soviet  armoured  columns  smashed  through  German  defences 
Refugees  ordered  to  evacuate.  Impossible  to  organize  orderly  retreat 
Trains  irregular,  roads  clogged,  cold,  people  with  poor  clothing 
Columns  of  refugees  strafed  and  bombed  by  enemy  aircraft 
Some  refugees  overrun  by  Soviets,  killed  or  captured.  Survivors 
collected  into  camps  in  Poland 

“There  were  no  more  trains,  the  Russians  had  surrounded  everything... so  mother,  daughter 
and  I  started  off  on  foot  in  the  middle  of  the  night.  Handbag  at  my  side,  my  five  year  old 
daughter,  my  71  year  old  mother  and  I  walked  through  storm  weather,  snow  and  ice.  The 
German  police  put  mother  onto  a  wagon,  then  I  also  pushed  my  daughter  on,  and  continued 
to  walk  until  finally  I  could  also  ride...” 


225 


February-March,  1945 

Refugees  headed  westward,  as  far  from  the  Russian  front  as  possible 
Polish  and  Danzig  refugees  also  joined,  some  trying  to  flee  northward 
via  the  Baltic  Sea.  Treacherous  ice  and  Soviet  submarines  a 
threat 

Most  common  fear  was  rape  of  the  women  and  repatriation  to  Russia 

May  8,  1945  Unconditional  surrender  of  the  Third  Reich 

Refugees  east  of  the  Elbe  River  were  in  Soviet  occupied  territory.  They 
were  rounded  up  into  camps  and  repatriated  to  Russia,  often  not 
to  their  homes  as  promised,  but  to  the  far  north  or  Siberia.  Even 
some  who  had  reached  the  Allied  zones  were  rounded  up  by  the 
Soviets,  initially  with  Allied  cooperation 
The  12,000  Mennonites  fortunate  enough  to  stay  in  the  Allied  zones 

were  quartered  in  areas  of  Germany  such  as  Schleswig-Holstein 
or  the  Lueneburger  Heide.  Others  stayed  in  refugee  camps, 
such  as  the  Mennonite  Central  Committee  camps  in  Gronau  and 
Backnang 

1946-1948  After  long  waits,  and  many  negotiations,  approximately  6,000  of  the 

refugees  emigrated  to  Canada,  and  about  6,000  to  South  America, 
to  Paraguay,  Uruguay  and  Argentina 


Sources: 

Dyck,  Peter,  and  Dyck,  Elfrieda,  Up  from  the  Rubble,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  and 
Waterloo,  Canada,  1991,  pp  87-99 

Epp,  Frank,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council,  Altona 
Canada,  1962,  pp  351-390 

Epp,  Marlene,  Moving  Forward,  Looking  Backward:  the  ‘Great  Trek  ’from  the  Soviet  Union, 
Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies,  Volume  16,  1998,  pp  59-75 
Huebert,  H.  T.,  Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,  Springfield  Publishers, 
Winnipeg,  Canada,  1986,  pp  329-335 
Mennonite  Historical  Atlas,  pp  68,  139,  140,  147 


226 


227 


The  Great  Trek  1943-1945 


33.  BERLIN  ESCAPE 
JANUARY  30  -  31, 1947 


Yalta  is  a  beautiful  Crimean  resort  city  on  the  shore  of  the  Black  Sea.  Here  the 
major  leaders  of  the  Allies,  Franklin  D.  Roosevelt,  Winston  Churchill  and  Joseph  Stalin, 
met  on  February  4-1 1 , 1 945,  to  decide  the  fate  of  Europe  after  the  demanded  “unconditional 
surrender”  of  Nazi  Germany  would  go  in  to  effect.  A  few  words  and  signatures  affected  the 
lives  of  millions  of  people,  condemning  many  to  endless  suffering  or  death.  The  Elbe  River 
was  designated  as  the  dividing  line  between  East  and  West.  There  were  to  be  American, 
British,  French  and  Russian  zones  of  occupation.  Berlin  itself,  while  well  within  the 
Russian  zone,  would  also  be  divided  into  similar  zones.  The  principle  of  repatriation  of 
citizens  was  accepted.  Of  course  all  displaced  people  would  want  to  go  back  to  their 
country  of  origin.  It  did  not  seem  to  enter  the  thinking  of  the  Western  Allies  that  there 
might  be  thousands,  likely  millions  of  refugees  who  would  like  to  escape  from  their 
oppressive  “homes.” 

When  the  war  ended  it  finally  dawned  on  some  of  the  occupying  forces  that  the 
relationship  between  the  Soviets  and  many  of  the  displaced  refugees  was  anything  but 
cordial!  The  Russians  were,  of  course,  sending  everyone  from  within  their  own  zone  back 
to  their  homes  or  into  exile.  They  were  also  swooping  through  the  western  zones  and 
repatriating  citizens,  usually  definitely  against  their  will,  and  often  by  force.  The  American 
military  then  put  into  force  the  actual  stipulations  of  the  Yalta  Conference.  This  clearly 
stated  that  forced  repatriation  could  only  take  place  for  those  refugees  found  in  German 
military  uniforms,  those  who  had  deserted  the  Soviet  armed  forces  after  the  start  of  the  war, 
those  who  had  provided  direct  aid  to  the  German  military,  and  those  who  had  committed 
war  crimes.  The  Soviets  would  have  to  provide  written  proof  of  these  charges  in  each 
individual  case. 

A  continual  problem  for  refugees  in  the  confusion  of  post-war  Europe  was  that  few 
actually  knew  the  actual  facts  of  the  Yalta  agreement.  The  newly  restated  guidelines  of  the 
American  military  were  not  effectively  enforced  until  early  in  1946,  and  certainly  were  not 
common  knowledge  among  the  refugees.  The  Soviets,  knowing  both,  tended  to  ignore 
them  whenever  they  could  get  away  with  it.  Rumour  and  fear  abounded. 

While  many  of  the  35,000  Mennonites  who  had  managed  to  get  to  central  Europe 
on  the  Great  Trek  were  forcibly  repatriated,  there  were  still  those  who  had  escaped  the 
Soviet  net,  even  in  the  Eastern  zones. 

It  is  in  this  context  that  the  “Berlin  Escape”  occurred. 


* 


* 


* 


John  Kroeker,  son  of  the  Russian  Mennonite  theologian,  Jakob  Kroeker,  had  moved 
to  the  United  States,  and  married  there.  He  returned  to  Germany  in  1939  to  visit  his  aging 


228 


parents,  then  was  unable  to  leave  because  of  the  start  of  the  war.  He  had  lived  in  Berlin 
since  1940,  working  for  the  SS  in  some  clerical  capacity.  In  1944  he  visited  many  of  the 
recently  arrived  Mennonite  evacuees,  likely  in  the  Warthegau  area.  At  the  end  of  the  war 
he  continued  his  contacts  with  the  Russian  Mennonite  refugees,  and  worked  hard  to  register 
as  many  of  them  as  he  could.  He  established  a  small  office  in  Berlin,  called  it  the  “Merino 
Centre,”  and  gave  himself  the  title  of  “Provisional  Representative  of  the  Mennonite  Central 
Committee.”  Through  his  personal  contacts  and  extensive  travel  throughout  the  Soviet  zone 
Kroeker  managed  to  collect  a  large  number  of  refugees  in  the  relative  safety  of  the 
American  zone.  He  had  a  card  printed  with  his  name  and  office  on  it,  which  seemed  to 
function  as  identity  card  to  help  the  refugees  in  their  travels.  Kroeker  housed  the  increasing 
number  of  refugees  in  a  partially  destroyed  building  at  Viktoria  Luise  Platz,  but  also 
obtained  help  from  the  United  Nations  Relief  and  Rehabilitation  Administration  [UNRAA], 
as  well  as  the  American  and  British  military  officials.  He  contacted  the  Mennonite  Central 
Committee  headquarters  in  North  America.  Kroeker,  however,  could  not  solve  the  long 
term  problem  for  the  Mennonites,  especially  arranging  for  transport  to  another  country. 

C.  F.  Klassen  came  to  Berlin  in  December  of  1945,  and  promised  that  the  MCC 
would  do  what  was  possible,  particularly  in  the  sending  of  relief  supplies.  Robert  Kreider 
visited  in  April  of  1946  and  negotiated  with  the  American  military  authorities  and  with 
Kroeker.  He  pointed  out  that  Kroeker  could  not  be  officially  appointed  by  the  MCC 
because  of  his  blemished  SS  related  work  record,  and  his  problem  with  alcohol.  Kreider 
assumed  that  the  American  military  was  not  about  to  turn  the  refugees  over  to  the  Soviets, 
despite  the  demands  for  repatriation.  He  also  felt  that  someone  needed  to  be  appointed  by 
the  MCC  to  work  on  the  only  satisfactory  long  term  solution,  emigration. 

In  the  meantime  more  and  more  refugees  were  collecting  in  Berlin.  A  total  of  21 1 
had  been  admitted  to  a  UNRAA  camp  in  Zehlendorf  in  Berlin,  but  more  were  arriving  at 
Viktoria  Luise  Platz  all  the  time,  by  June  of  1946  another  125. 

One  day  Peter  Dyck  received  a  telephone  call  at  the  MCC  office  in  Amsterdam.  It 
was  from  an  American,  Lieutenant  Colonel  W.  B.  Stinson,  Chief  of  the  Displaced  Persons 
division  in  Berlin.  He  had  cut  the  red  tape  for  Peter  to  get  a  temporary  permit  to  come  to 
Berlin  to  help  solve  the  refugee  problem.  This  would  entail  looking  after  the  refugees  while 
they  were  in  Berlin,  but  more  importantly  arranging  for  a  country  for  them  to  emigrate  to, 
and  transportation  to  get  them  there.  Peter  arrived  in  Berlin  on  June  12,  1946,  his  wife 
Elfrieda  followed  on  July  4. 

Peter  and  Elfrieda  set  about  their  almost  unsurmountable  task  with  enthusiasm. 
Elfrieda  stayed  at  the  camp,  and  played  a  key  role  in  its  day  to  day  management.  Peter  tried 
to  achieve  the  long  term  goals,  making  arrangements  for  the  eventual  emigration. 

As  the  number  of  refugees  grew,  more  and  more  housing  was  required.  The 
American  military  simply  took  Peter  to  an  area  of  Berlin  and  asked  him  which  houses  he 
wanted.  The  first  was  Ringstrasse  107,  but  eventually  a  total  of  12  houses  were  needed  for 
the  camp.  An  office  was  arranged,  a  central  kitchen  was  set  up.  Since  they  had  no  ovens, 
arrangements  were  made  with  a  local  baker  to  bake  bread.  His  payment,  much  more  useful 
than  money,  was  with  MCC  flour.  Obtaining  relief  supplies  from  the  Amsterdam  MCC 
warehouse  was  a  problem  until  a  deal  was  made  with  the  Dutch  Red  Cross.  Their 


229 


ambulances  needed  to  go  to  Berlin  to  pick  up  patients,  but  they  travelled  there  empty!  So 
now  they  went  to  Berlin  loaded  with  MCC  supplies,  then  went  back  to  Holland  with 
patients.  Refugee  watchmen  were  arranged  -  who  also  kept  an  eye  and  an  ear  open  to 
anyone  who  might  be  lurking  on  the  surrounding  streets.  If  they  spoke  Plautdietsch  they 
were  undoubtedly  “ours.”  Elfrieda  worked  on  the  menus,  to  vary  them  as  much  as  possible 
within  the  scope  of  the  MCC  supplies. 

There  were  300  children  in  the  camp,  as  well  as  refugee  teachers.  A  bombed  out 
school  in  the  area  was  obtained.  The  teachers  worked  out  curriculum  and  lesson  plans.  All 
children  from  age  six  to  fifteen  were  in  classes  every  week  day.  But  there  were  no  supplies. 
Younger  students  began  by  learning  to  count  and  memorizing  the  alphabet,  the  teachers 
illustrated  history  and  geography  to  the  older  ones  by  telling  stories  of  the  countries  they 
had  come  through.  They  memorized  scripture  passages  and  songs,  and  did  mental 
arithmetic. 

One  of  the  smallest  houses  was  converted  into  a  hospital,  with  one  room  for  men, 
another  for  women,  one  for  children  and  one  for  infectious  diseases.  Refugee  nurses  and 
some  additional  girls  volunteered  their  services.  Seriously  ill  patients  were  sent  to  the 
regular  city  hospitals. 

While  Peter  Dyck  was  not  a  minister,  he  was  still  asked  to  officiate  at  funerals,  and 
even  at  a  wedding.  With  continued  stay  at  the  camp  religious  life  needed  to  be  organized 
more  officially.  There  were  few  ministers  among  the  refugees,  since  they  had  been  special 
targets  of  Communist  suppression.  Added  to  this  was  the  complication  of  having  two  major 
groups  represented  -  Kirchliche  and  Mennonite  Brethren.  A  church  council  was  elected 
consisting  of  five  ministers,  3  Kirchliche,  2  Mennonite  Brethren.  After  lengthy  discussion 
it  was  decided  that  communion  should  be  celebrated  together,  but  that  Peter  Dyck  should 
preside.  They  could  not  obtain  wine  or  grape  juice,  and  did  not  want  to  use  ersatz  coffee, 
milk  or  water,  so  they  settled  on  something  they  could  easily  purchase  at  the  US  Army  PX 
store  -  Coca  Cola! 

The  group  planned  a  Thanksgiving  service,  decorating  an  old  gym.  Sunday 
morning,  November  21,  1946  was  an  exciting  time.  Children  and  young  people  recited 
poems,  there  was  special  music  and  a  sermon.  Even  more  special  was  the  celebration  of 
Christmas.  The  women  obtained  permission  to  use  the  bakery  from  12  midnight  to  4  AM 
to  bake  cookies  and  peppemuts.  Dough  was  mixed  in  the  camp  kitchen,  then  every  night 
a  different  group  went  for  the  special  privilege  of  baking.  Young  adults  made  gifts  for  the 
children  with  the  very  limited  tools  and  materials  they  had.  Large  boxes  of  gifts  had  also 
arrived  from  a  Glick  family  in  Pennsylvania.  On  Christmas  Eve  the  choirs  sang,  youngsters 
recited  poems,  there  was  a  short  drama,  the  Christmas  story  was  read  from  Luke  chapter  2 
and  there  was  a  sermon.  For  many  of  the  younger  people  this  was  their  first  Christmas 
program  ever.  Two  Americans,  Colonel  Stinson  and  Major  Thompson,  who  were  standing 
at  the  back  of  the  gym,  could  not  keep  their  eyes  dry. 

But  the  time  had  come  to  resettle  the  refugees.  Peter  Dyck  had  left  no  stone 
unturned  for  all  possible  negotiations,  but  there  were  difficulties  at  all  levels  -  to  get  the 
refugees  out  of  the  Russian  zone,  to  find  a  country  for  them  to  go  to,  and  to  find 
transportation  to  get  them  there.  Dyck  and  Colonel  Stinson  sent  in  lists  of  the  refugees  to 


230 


the  Russians,  pointing  out  that  if  they  could  not  individually  prove  that  there  were  war 
criminals,  deserters  or  collaborators  they  should,  according  to  the  Yalta  Conference,  be 
allowed  to  leave.  Not  a  word  from  the  Soviets. 

In  December  of  1 946,  with  an  ever  increasing  number  of  mouths  to  feed,  it  was  time 
for  action.  C.  F.  Klassen  and  Peter  Dyck  went  to  the  US  Army  headquarters  in  Frankfurt. 
After  a  long  meeting  a  three  part  deal  was  hammered  out.  The  military  would  transport  the 
refugees  by  train,  through  the  Soviet  zone,  to  any  port  in  Europe  that  would  be  designated. 
The  MCC  would  find  a  country  that  would  accept  the  refugees,  and  would  arrange  for  ocean 
transportation.  As  soon  as  the  MCC  was  ready  they  were  to  notify  Stinson,  and  “Operation 
Mennonite”  would  begin. 

Klassen,  Dyck  and  the  MCC  office  in  Akron,  Pennsylvania,  immediately  went  into 
action.  First  choice  of  the  refugees  was  Canada,  but  Canada  refused  to  accept  them  without 
careful  individual  scrutiny.  The  reactions  of  USA  and  Mexico  were  the  same.  Only  poor 
Paraguay,  having  had  good  experience  with  previous  Mennonite  immigrants,  accepted  the 
challenge. 

Now  to  find 
an  ocean  transport. 

Ships  were  hard  to 
come  by,  a  large 
amount  of  shipping 
having  been  sunk 
by  submarines 
during  the  war. 

Finally,  through  the 
intervention  of 
Queen  Wilhelmina 
of  the  Netherlands, 
arrangements  were 
made  with  the 
Holland- America 

Line  to  charter  the  Volendam.  The  ship  was  large,  with  a  capacity  of  several  thousand 
passengers.  The  charter  fee  was  $375,000.  The  MCC  would  not,  even  if  every  Berlin 
refugee  were  aboard,  send  a  ship  across  the  ocean  only  half  full.  Dyck  and  Klassen  went 
to  the  Funkkaseme  camp  operated  by  UNRAA  at  Munich  and  asked  the  Mennonite 
refugees  if  they  were  willing  to  go  to  Paraguay.  Surprisingly  there  were  soon  1,000  names 
on  the  list  of  those  prepared  to  go.  This  thousand,  plus  several  hundred  from  Holland  and 
the  Berlin  refugees  would  nicely  fill  the  Volendam.  Things  were  falling  into  place. 

Back  in  Berlin  work  started  on  preparing  travel  documents.  Peter  and  Elfrieda  were 
called  in  to  see  the  American  military,  and  the  arrangements  were  confirmed.  The  military 
would  obtain  the  train,  the  MCC  would  have  the  travel  documents  completed  and  have  the 
people  packed,  ready  to  go  -  but  to  keep  the  plans  secret.  The  following  Sunday  all  the 
baggage  was  inspected  just  to  be  sure. 

Six  days  later,  on  Saturday,  Colonel  Stinson  called  with  the  shattering  news,  “The 


The  Ocean  Liner  Volendam 


231 


deal  is  off!”  At  a  subsequent  meeting  Peter  was  informed  that  General  Lucius  Clay,  a 
higher  ranking  four-star  general,  had  called  off  the  deal.  Peter  drafted  a  careful  letter  to 
General  Clay,  pointing  out  the  events  that  had  led  up  to  the  situation,  mentioning  that  in  400 
years  of  Mennonite  history  there  had  been  key  individuals  that  had  determined  the  fate  of 
many  people.  He  requested  that  General  Clay  now  be  the  person  to  help  the  1 ,200  refugees 
trapped  in  Berlin.  Peter  hand  delivered  the  letter  to  General  Clay’s  office,  and  waited. 
After  an  hour  or  two  he  was  invited  in.  Clay  pointed  out  the  risks  of  an  “incident”if  the 
train  rescue  were  attempted,  with  the  possible  loss  of  lives.  Airlift  was  discussed,  but  when 
all  the  obstacles  were  reviewed,  was  abandoned.  Finally  the  mutually  agreed  upon  decision 
was  to  consult  Washington.  The  answer  came  back  quickly,  “You  have  permission  to  move 
the  Mennonite  refugees,  who  are  Russian  citizens,  through  the  Soviet  zone,  provided  the 
Russians  agree.”  Was  this  a  “yes”  or  a  “no”?  Would  the  Russians  ever  agree? 

Then  Peter  and 
Elfrieda  went  back  to 
the  refugees  in  Berlin 
and  outlined  what  had 
happened.  The  meeting 
began  with  prayer,  then 
Peter  discussed  the 
problem,  breaking  down 
crying.  Three  hundred 
or  so  refugees  had 
already  boarded  the 
Volendam  before  it  left 
Rotterdam  for 
Bremerhaven.  A  train 
was  carrying  1,000 
refugees  north  from 
Munich,  and  they  were 
to  board  the  ship  at 
Bremerhaven.  As  it  stood  the  Berlin  group  would  obviously  not  reach  Bremerhaven.  Peter 
was  comforted  by  the  very  disappointed  refugees.  Some  spoke  of  God’s  leading  in  their 
lives,  of  the  blessed  time  they  had  in  Berlin,  and  that  they  ought  not  despair. 

The  next  morning  Peter  took  a  train  to  Bremerhaven.  The  Volendam  was  already 
docked,  with  the  Dutch  refugees  and  MCC  personnel  on  board.  Soon  the  Munich  train 
arrived  and  those  refugees  were  added  to  the  passengers.  Would  the  Volendam  have  to 
leave  half  empty?  Should  the  MCC  find  other  refugees  to  fill  the  empty  berths?  The 
captain  announced  that  he  was  ready  to  lift  anchor.  But  there  was  still  time  -  they  had  36 
hours  in  port  before  penalties  had  to  be  paid.  The  people  were  gathered  on  the  top  deck  for 
a  farewell  service  -  without  the  Berlin  group.  It  was  to  be  a  joyous  occasion,  but  the 
singing  was  half-hearted,  with  many  people  crying.  C.  F.  Klassen  and  Peter  found  it  hard 
to  find  appropriate  words. 

Meanwhile  in  Berlin  Elfrieda  had  tried  to  carry  on.  Sadness  overshadowed  all 


Peter  and  Elfrieda  Dyck,  pictures  from  an  MCC  brochure 
printed  in  1946 


232 


activities  in  the  camp.  At  a  meeting  with  Colonel  Stinson,  Elfrieda  was  asked  that  just  in 
case  they  should  still  go,  how  long  would  it  take  the  refugees  to  be  ready?  “Just  give  me 
one  hour!”  she  replied. 

That  evening  the  people  asked  Elfrieda  around  supper  time  if  it  would  be  alright  to 
have  a  prayer  meeting.  “That’s  a  very  good  idea, ’’she  answered.  The  refugees  earnestly 
prayed  for  a  miracle.  The  Volendam  was  to  leave  the  next  day,  so  only  a  miracle  would  do! 
That  night,  as  Elfrieda  was  going  from  house  to  house  she  noticed  an  elderly  man,  a  Mr. 
Sawatzky,  setting  his  suitcases  out  into  the  corridor.  She  asked  him  what  he  was  doing. 
He  replied  that  since  he  had  prayed  for  a  miracle  he  may  as  well  get  ready  for  it  to  happen. 
Word  of  Sawatzky’s  faith  spread,  so  others  also  began  packing. 

The  next  day,  Thursday,  January  30,  Colonel  Stinson  called  early  in  the  morning. 
General  Clay  was  going  to  see  Marshal  Sokolovsky,  his  Russian  military  counterpart,  that 
day.  Stinson  suggested  that  Elfrieda  should  stay  in  her  apartment  near  the  telephone. 
Finally  at  3:40  PM  a  call  came  from  Captain  Allen,  General  Clay’s  secretary,  asking  for 
Peter  Dyck.  Told  that  he  was  in  Bremerhaven,  she  hung  up.  If  they  could  not  reach  Peter 
Dyck  there,  they  would  call  back. 

In  Bremerhaven  the  joyless  farewell  service  had  just  concluded  when  about  4  PM 
two  American  Military  Police  came  marching  up.  “Are  you  Mr.  Dyck?”  they  asked.  They 
took  him  down  the  gangplank,  onto  a  jeep  and  to  a  hotline  telephone  at  their  harbor  post. 
The  woman  on  the  telephone  asked  if  the  Volendam  was  still  there.  “Yes,”  Peter  replied, 
“the  Volendam  is  still  here...”  “Can  you  hold  it?”  she  asked,  “...your  Mennonite  people  in 
Berlin  are  cleared.  They  can  go  along  on  your  ship.  Just  hold  it.  Wait  for  them!”  Peter 
raced  back  to  the  ship  with  the  news .  The  captain  was  asked  to  delay  departure  until  further 
notice.  Peter  announced  over  the  ship  intercom  so  everyone  could  hear,  “God  is  now  going 
to  do  a  miracle.  The  Berlin  group  is  coming!” 

Then  Peter  and  a  number  of  others  hopped  onto  a  car  and  raced  for  Berlin,  happy 
that  the  autobahn  had  no  speed  limit.  They  were  stopped  at  the  Border  crossing  at 
Helmstedt.  “Is  one  of  you  Peter  Dyck?”  enquired  the  British  officer.  “I  have  a  message  for 
you,”  he  continued,  “The  train  is  gone.”  Nothing  more.  Not  sure  of  exactly  what  was 
meant  they  raced  on. 

In  Berlin  Elfrieda  had  waited.  Since  nothing  seemed  to  be  happening,  and  it  was 
almost  6  PM,  she  ran  warm  water  for  a  bath.  The  telephone  rang.  It  was  Colonel  Stinson’s 
secretary.  “You  are  to  report  to  headquarters  immediately!”  When  she  got  to  the  office 
over  the  icy  streets  she  was  ushered  in.  Ten  or  twelve  officers  were  already  in  the  room. 
Stinson  said,  “Mrs.  Dyck,  you  probably  won’t  even  want  to  sit  down  before  I  tell  you  what 
it’s  all  about.  The  Mennonites  are  leaving  Berlin  tonight.  You  asked  for  one  hour  to  get 
your  people  ready;  I’ll  give  you  one  and  a  half.”  He  continued,  “At  8:00  PM  tonight  you 
will  have  all  your  people  with  their  baggage  standing  outside  their  houses.  Army  trucks 
will  pick  them  up  and  take  them  to  the  railroad  station  Lichterfelde  West.  Please  have  men 
organized  into  work  groups  to  help  with  the  loading  and  unloading  of  the  baggage.. .and 
please  tell  your  people  to  be  quiet:  if  possible  no  talking  in  the  streets.” 

Stinson  then  announced  to  the  men  in  the  room,  “This  is  Operation  Mennonite,  and 
two  things  are  of  utmost  importance:  speed  and  a  low  profile.”  Lichterfelde  West  railroad 


233 


station  was  to  be  cordoned  off,  twelve  ten-ton  trucks  were  to  report  to  Ringstrasse  1 07  not 
later  than  8:00  PM.  Two  days  rations  were  to  be  made  available  for  1,115  passengers. 
Large  cans  were  to  be  supplied  so  that  each  train  car  had  an  “emergency”  toilet.  As  Elfrieda 
was  leaving  the  office  C.  F.  Klassen  telephoned.  He  informed  her  that  Peter  was  on  his  way 
to  Berlin. 

Elfrieda  sped  to  the  camp;  she  had  to  notify  1,115  people  in  a  hurry.  At  the  first 
house  everything  was  dark  -  electricity  had  been  turned  off  in  that  sector  of  the  city  to 
conserve  energy.  In  the  darkness  she  informed  the  refugees  of  the  good  news.  God  had 
answered  their  prayers!  Now  they  had  to  abandon  their  half  eaten  suppers  and  pack  in 
darkness,  to  be  ready  with  their  suitcases,  out  on  the  street,  by  8  PM.  All  the  houses  and 
the  sick  bay  were  notified,  and  work  gangs  were  organized.  The  group  was  ready  when  the 
trucks  and  two  ambulances  arrived.  One  ambulance  was  sent  to  a  city  hospital  to  pick  up 
a  Mrs.  Janzen,  who  was  on  the  maternity  ward,  in  labour.  Perhaps  the  appearance  of  the 
soldiers  frightened  her  so  much  that  the  labour  pains  stopped.  She  delivered  a  week  later. 

A  technical  problem  delayed  departure.  The  trucks  were  too  big.  They  could  not 
turn  around  at  the  railroad  station,  so  smaller  ones  were  sent  for.  Then  one  of  them 
developed  a  flat  tire,  and  blocked  the  way  to  the  station.  Robert  Kreider  was  at  the  station, 
fitting  batteries  into  forty  flashlights,  to  be  distributed  to  the  forty  boxcars.  He  telephoned 
the  border  with  the  message  for  Peter  Dyck,  that  the  train  was  leaving.  Stinson  and  Elfrieda 
went  back  to  the  camp  to  make  sure  that  nobody  was  left.  Every  house  was  empty.  They 
arrived  back  at  the  station;  all  the  people  were  on  board.  Departure  was  set  for  1 2  midnight. 

Having  received  the  message  of  the  train  departure  at  Helmstedt,  Peter  had 
continued  on  to  Berlin.  When  he  arrived  at  Ringstrasse  107  it  was  empty.  He  and  his 
companions  woke  up  the  German  housekeeper  at  the  office  and  asked  her  to  cook  them  a 
fast  meal.  They  were  going  to  head  back  to  Bremerhaven,  hopefully  beating  the  train  to  its 
destination.  Suddenly  the  telephone  rang.  It  was  Robert  Kreider.  “We’re  at  the 
Lichterfelde  West  railroad  station.  If  you  hurry  you’ll  make  the  train.”  he  said.  Rushing 
past  the  astonished  house  keeper,  who  had  plates  full  of  food  in  her  hands,  they  headed  for 
the  station.  Peter  greeted  Colonel  Stinson  and  jumped  onto  the  train. 

Large  loaves  of  bread  were  stacked  inside  the  boxcars.  There  were  bails  of  straw 
and  cans  of  water.  Stove  pipes  stuck  through  the  partially  open  doors.  Just  behind  the 
locomotive  was  the  only  passenger  car,  with  the  sick  people  and  Elfrieda  on  it.  Moments 
after  Peter  boarded  there  was  a  short  whistle,  a  jerk,  and  they  were  off!  It  was  2  AM, 
Friday,  January  3 1 . 

Peter  Reimer,  a  1 7  year  old  boy  at  the  time,  remembers  that  evening.  “The  last 
evening  we  were  eating  supper.  Suddenly,  bang,  it  came.  You  can  go!  It  didn’t  take  long. 
The  military  trucks  came  by  and  we  were  loaded  on,  and  away  we  went  to  the  train  station. 
We  were  loaded  onto  train  boxcars.  An  American  soldier  was  standing  at  the  door  of  each 
car.  The  train  left  late  in  the  evening.” 

The  train  stopped;  it  was  bright  sunshine  outside.  Peter  jumped  out  of  the  train  and 
landed  knee-deep  in  snow.  He  inquired  of  the  engineer  where  they  were.  “Helmstedt,”  he 
answered.  Peter  asked  “...how  far  are  we  from  the  border?”  The  engineer  replied,  “Two 
metres. ..if  I  go  two  more  metres  my  cow  catcher  will  be  in  the  British  zone.”  Peter  then 


234 


wondered  out  loud  if  it  would  not  be  possible  to  go  ahead  just  a  little  further.  He  received 
a  long  lecture  about  the  meaning  of  red  and  green  lights,  and  that  there  was  the  additional 
safety  of  a  little  arm  that  gave  signals.  Peter  suddenly  thought  that  even  engineers  might 
be  hungry,  and  tossed  him  a  few  loaves  of  bread.  He  still  did  not  move  the  train,  but  was 
much  more  friendly. 

Up  ahead  on  other  tracks  the  Dycks  could  see  men  wearing  heavy  coats  and  broad 
lapels  checking  the  trains,  car  by  car.  What  would  these  Soviet  inspectors  say  when  they 
reached  the  Mennonite  refugees? 

Then  there  was  a  click.  The  arm  came  down,  and  the  light  turned  green!  The 
engineer  nodded  and  reached  for  the  throttle.  A  slight  jerk,  and  the  train  moved  ahead. 
Peter  jumped  onto  the  train,  and  it  moved  ahead  perhaps  half  a  mile,  then  stopped.  They 
were  now  in  the  British  zone.  Peter  jumped  off  the  train  again  and  ran  from  boxcar  to 
boxcar.  “We  are  out!”  he  shouted  forty  times.  The  entire  train  started  singing  “Nun  danket 
alle  Gotf  ’  [Now  Thank  We  All  Our  God]. 

By  2:30  AM  the  next  morning  the  train  pulled  alongside  the  Volendam  in 
Bremerhaven.  It  was  decided  to  let  the  passengers  and  the  ship  crew  sleep  until  morning. 
They  boarded  early  on  Saturday,  February  1 .  This  time  it  was  truly  a  happy  event.  Each 
person  received  a  hot  steaming  mug  of  cocoa,  and  was  escorted  to  the  appropriate  berth. 
The  Munich  and  Holland  groups  were  eager  to  meet  their  relatives  and  friends.  In  all,  of 
the  1,115  people  who  escaped  from  Berlin,  928  boarded  the  Volendam  for  Paraguay,  the 
others  remaining  in  West  Germany.  At  4  PM  on  February  1  the  Volendam  lifted  anchor  and 
sailed  out  of  Bremerhaven,  heading  for  Buenos  Aires.  On  board  were  2,203  refugees, 
accompanied  by  Peter  and  Elfrieda  Dyck. 

Siegfried  Janzen  stayed  in  Berlin  to  clean  up  after  the  hurried  departure.  MCC  food 
supplies  were  disposed  of.  Houses  were  de-requisitioned,  and  arrangements  were  made  for 
any  late  stragglers  who  might  show  up. 

Peter  Dyck  sent  a  letter  of  thanks  to  General  Lucius  D.  Clay,  and  received  this  reply, 
“Your  letter  of  9  July  made  me  very  happy,  not  because  I  was  able  in  a  small  way  to  help 
the  Mennonite  refugees  to  leave  Berlin,  but  to  know  they  have  found  a  home.  They  are  fine 
people  and  deserve  the  opportunity  to  live  as  free  men.” 


* 


* 


* 


To  Peter  and  Elfrieda  Dyck,  and  to  the  1,1 15  Mennonite  refugees,  it  appeared  that 
God  had  directly  intervened,  and  had  done  a  miracle.  The  Red  Sea  had  been  parted  and 
crossed.  Exactly  how  God  accomplished  this  miracle  is  not  certain.  Others  feel  that  there 
is  a  logical  explanation  of  the  anatomy  of  this  miracle.  There  is  documentation  to  suggest 
that  General  Lucius  Clay  and  Marshall  Sokolovsky  were  on  reasonably  cordial  terms.  Did 
the  Soviet  allow  the  refugees  to  be  transported  as  an  unofficial  act  of  mutual  respect  and 
cooperation,  or  did  he  actually  sign  a  document  at  a  party,  partially  under  the  influence,  to 
allow  the  passage?  In  any  case  General  Clay  perceived  that  he  had  met  the  terms  stipulated 


235 


by  Washington.  Once  the  consent,  apparent  or  actual  was  obtained,  he  moved  swiftly.  All 
necessary  preparations  were  made,  including  the  placing  of  armed  guards  on  the  train  in 
case  an  incident  might  occur.  Probably  both  interpretations  of  the  episode  are  correct.  God 
performed  a  miracle,  and  used  people  to  do  it! 


Sources: 

Dyck,  Peter  and  Elfrieda,  Up  From  the  Rubble,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener, 
Canada,  1991,  pp  132-223.  This  was  one  of  the  principle  sources  of  information. 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Coucil, 
Altona,  Canada,  1962,  pp  369,  376-383 

Regehr,  T.  D.,  Anatomy  of  a  Mennonite  Miracle:  The  Berlin  Rescue  of  30-31  January,  1947, 
Journal  of  Mennonite  Studies,  Volume  9:  1991,  pp  1 1-33.  The  question  of  what 
sources  to  believe  becomes  an  issue.  One  would  have  to  be  naive  to  assume  that  all 
military  documentation  is  accurate 

Reimer,  Peter,  Winnipeg,  Canada,  Personal  Interview,  August,  1999 

Smucker,  Barbara,  Henry’s  Red  Sea,  Herald  Press,  Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada, 
1955,  pp  1-108 


Background  Information: 

C.  F.  Klassen 

“Nun  danket  alle  Gott” 


236 


CORNELIUS  F.  KLASSEN 
[1894  -  1954] 


Cornelius  Franz  Klassen  was  bom  on  August  3,  1894,  in  a  sod  hut  on  a  chutor  along  the 
Tok  River,  near  the  Neu  Samara  Colony.  He  was  the  eldest  of  fourteen  children  of  Franz  F.  and 
Justina  [Wiebe]  Klassen.  A  younger  brother  Heinrich  [1900]  became  editor  of  the  Mennonitische 
Rundschau  and  manager  of  the  Christian  Press  in  Winnipeg.  His  youngest  sister  Elfrieda  [1917] 
married  Peter  Dyck,  and  was,  together  with  Cornelius,  intimately  involved  with  the  rescue  of  1 , 1 1 5 
Mennonite  refugees  from  Berlin  in  1947.  Soon  after  the  birth  of  Cornelius  the  family  moved  into 
the  Neu  Samara  Colony,  to  the  village  of  Donskoye,  where  Franz  began  operation  of  a  general 
store,  which  he  continued  to  run  successfully  until  1918. 

Cornelius  enjoyed  his  youth  in  the  midst  of  a  growing  family.  He  and  his  parents 
apparently  attended  the  dedication  service  of  the  new  Lugovsk  Mennonite  Brethren  sanctuary  in 
1901,  being  some  of  the  3,000  guests  who  participated.  He  was  a  good  student,  so  after  having 
completed  the  elementary  village  school  in  1907,  his  parents  sent  him  to  the  Zentralschule  in 
Karassan,  Crimea,  where  he  could  board  with  his  aunt.  He  graduated  in  1 9 1 0,  then  stayed  at  home 
for  one  year  to  work  in  the  family  business.  While  at  home  in  Donskoye  he  committed  his  life  to 
Christ,  a  commitment  which  was  the  mainspring  of  his  subsequent  endeavors.  He  was  baptized  in 
the  Tok  River  by  Johann  Braun  on  the  basis  of  his  faith,  and  joined  the  Lugovsk  Mennonite 
Brethren  Church. 

In  the  autumn  of  191 1  Cornelius  went  to  Moscow  where,  hoping  to  study  on  the  side,  he 
worked  in  the  office  of  the  gas  motor  company  of  Otto  Deutz.  His  work  was  successful,  but  he  had 
little  time  to  study.  Wanting  to  prepare  himself  for  university  to  enter  medical  studies,  he  moved 
to  St.  Petersburg.  Here  he  met  Peter  F.  Froese,  an  engineering  student,  with  whom  he  was  later  to 
collaborate  in  attempting  to  help  the  Mennonites  in  Russia. 

Studies  were  interrupted  by  the  outbreak  of  World  War  I.  Cornelius  was  drafted  early  in 
1915  and  chose  alternative  service  in  the  Schwarzwald  Forestry  Camp.  The  first  year,  because  of 
his  poor  health,  he  worked  as  a  gardener,  the  second  as  secretary  to  the  chief  forester,  and  during 
the  third  year  his  comrades  elected  him  as  their  representative  to  the  government  and  to  Mennonite 
conferences.  In  this  capacity  he  attended  the  All-Russian  Mennonite  Congress  held  in  Ohrloff  in 
August,  1917.  There  he  met  Benjamin  Unruh,  with  whom  he  later  worked.  At  a  meeting  of 
forestry  and  medical  orderly  representatives  in  Moscow,  Cornelius  and  Peter  Froese  were  asked 
to  approach  the  Kerensky  government  to  affect  the  release  of  a  number  of  Mennonite  medical 
orderlies  who  had  been  imprisoned  as  spies.  They  were  successful  in  the  negotiations. 

Cornelius  was  demobilized  in  December,  1917,  and  retumedhome.  In  1918herepresented 
the  Neu  Samara  and  Orenburg  Mennonite  Colonies  in  negotiations  with  Moscow,  then  in  1919  he 
went  to  the  capital  of  the  Bashkir  Republic  for  similar  negotiations.  In  1920  the  representatives  of 
the  Ural  and  Siberian  Mennonite  Colonies  elected  Cornelius  and  Peter  Froese  to  plead  their  causes 
in  Moscow.  Here  Klassen  and  Froese  also  worked  with  an  all-Russian  relief  committee.  One  of 
its  meetings  in  1921  was  raided  by  the  secret  police,  and  Cornelius  was  jailed  in  the  famous 
Lubianka  Prison,  but  then,  after  interrogation,  released.  On  the  day  of  his  release  Alvin  J.  Miller, 
of  the  MCC,  arrived  in  Moscow,  attempting  to  arrange  the  flow  of  relief  supplies  from  the  North 
American  to  the  Russian  Mennonites.  Cornelius  acted  as  his  translator  in  negotiations  with  the 
Kremlin,  and  in  time  became  his  helper  and  colleague  in  the  work  of  feeding  and  clothing 
thousands  of  Mennonites  in  their  time  of  need. 

In  1923  the  Mennonites  organized  the  Verband  der  Buerger  Hollaendischer  Herkunft 


237 


[VBHH]  to  represent  the  Ukrainian  colonies,  where  B.  B.  Janz  was  the  chief  executive.  Those  from 
the  Ural  region  and  Siberia  formed  the  Allrussischer  Mennonitischer  Landwirtschaftlicher  Verein 
[AMLV],  with  Cornelius,  Peter 
Froese  and  H.  F.  Dyck  on  the 
executive.  The  two  organizations 
attempted  to  improve  the  conditions 
in  the  Mennonite  colonies,  but  in 
time  increasingly,  together  with 
David  Toews  in  Canada,  worked  to 
pave  the  way  for  the  mass  migration 
of  the  mid  1920s.  They  worked 
tirelessly  to  overcome  innumerable 
obstacles;  about  22,500  Mennonites 
eventually  emigrated  to  Canada. 

During  this  time  Cornelius 
travelled  widely,  but  was  based  in 
Moscow.  His  brother  Gerhard  was 
staying  with  him  to  receive  medical 
help  in  Moscow,  but  died  April  22, 

1923,  of  tuberculosis.  Back  in  Neu 
Samara  his  father  Franz  died  January 
21,  1924.  In  1925  he  accompanied  his  mother  and  seven  younger  siblings  to  London  on  their  way 
to  Canada,  but  then  returned  to  Moscow  because  he  felt  the  work  for  his  people  was  not  yet 
completed. 

The  MCC  had  an  office  in  Moscow,  and  one  of  its  workers  was  Mary  Brieger,  Alvin 
Miller’s  secretary.  She  was  of  Baltic  German  Lutheran  descent,  and  a  devout  Christian.  She  had 
married,  but  soon  after  the  birth  of  the  first  child  it  became  obvious  that  her  husband  was  unfaithful, 
so  a  divorce  resulted.  As  Cornelius  and  Mary  became  better  acquainted,  they  fell  in  love.  They 

were  married  on  September  11,  1 926  in  the  Menno  Center 
of  Moscow.  Johannes  Klassen,  Mennonite  Brethren 
minister  from  Alt  Samara  performed  the  marriage 
ceremony.  Realizing  the  difficulty  a  member  marrying  a 
divorced  person  would  present  to  the  church,  Cornelius 
withdrew  from  the  Lugovsk  Mennonite  Brethren 
congregation.  It  should  be  noted  that  in  1929,  when  he 
was  already  in  Canada,  Cornelius  received  a  warm  letter 
from  the  leader  of  the  Lugovsk  church,  Bernhard  Bargen, 
informing  him  that  by  unanimous  decision  he  had  been 
reinstated  into  the  church. 

Cornelius  and  Mary  had  a  total  of  five  children. 
Harold  [1923]  was  Mary’s  son  by  the  previous  marriage, 
then  there  were  Walfried  [1927],  Herbert  [1929],  Irmgard 
and  Justina  [twins,  bom  1931].  Justina  was  bom  partially 
paralyzed  and  died  at  the  age  of  two  and  one  half  years. 

By  1928  it  became  evident  that  there  was  not 
likely  to  be  any  further  significant  help  for  the  colonies,  nor  emigration,  so  the  Klassens  applied 
for  exit  visas.  To  their  surprise  the  applications  were  granted,  and  on  September  23  they  left  Russia 
with  their  two  sons,  Harold  and  Walfried.  They  visited  Riga,  Mary’s  home,  then  Germany, 


The  executive  of  the  AMLV  [left  to  right]  H.  F.  Dyck, 
Peter  Froese  and  Cornelius  Klassen 


238 


eventually  sailing  for  Canada  from  Liverpool  on  November  30.  They  arrived  in  Winnipeg, 
Manitoba,  on  December  12,  and  joined  the  rest  of  the  Klassen  family  in  a  rented  house  on  Donald 
Street.  Much  later  Cornelius  was  informed  that  shortly  after  their  departure  his  co-worker  and 
close  friend  Peter  Froese  had  been  arrested  and  sentenced  to  ten  years  in  prison.  The  GPU  could 
not  understand  how  Cornelius  had  slipped  through  the  net. 

Cornelius  could  not  remain  inactive  for  long.  In  1929  he  attended  an  MCC  meeting,  and 
thereafter  visited  many  American  churches  on  its  behalf.  In  1 930  he  went  to  the  second  Mennonite 
World  Relief  Conference  held  in  Danzig,  tavelling  with  David  Toews.  They  both  made 
presentations,  Cornelius  about  the  situation  of  the  Mennonite  churches  in  Russia  since  1 920,  Toews 
about  the  immigration  of  Russian  Mennonites  to  Canada.  Upon  his  return  Cornelius  received  the 
difficult  assignment  by  the  Canadian  Board  of  Colonization  and  Immigration  to  help  collect  the 
Reiseschuld  [travel  debt].  This  was  a  taxing,  sometimes  thankless  and  unpleasant,  but  often 
rewarding  work.  In  1 936  Cornelius  again  travelled  to  the  Mennonite  World  Conference  with  David 
Toews,  this  time  to  Amsterdam.  He  took  the  opportunity  to  visit  Mennonites  in  Holland,  Germany 
and  Switzerland,  and  also  renewed  acquaintances  with  friends  and  relatives  in  Latvia. 

The  Klassens  had,  in  the  meantime  moved  several  times  in  Winnipeg,  finally  living  at  476 
Powers  Street.  On  June  26,  1933  mother  Justina  Klassen  died.  On  August  4,  1935  Mary  was 
baptized  upon  confession  of  her  faith,  Rev.  C.  N.  Hiebert  performing  the  baptism  in  the  Assiniboine 
River.  Cornelius  and  Mary  then  both  joined  the  North  End  [later  Elmwood]  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church. 

With  the  outbreak  of  World  War  II  the  question  of  the  non-resistant  status  loomed  for  the 
Mennonites  of  Canada.  Together  with  David  Toews,  B.  B.  Janz  and  other  Mennonite  leaders, 
negotiations  were  carried  on  with  the  Canadian  government,  opening  the  way  for  alternative 
service.  At  the  same  time  the  Mennonite  Central  Relief  Committee  [MCRC]  was  organized,  with 
Cornelius  elected  as  secretary  treasurer.  During  the  war  years  Cornelius  was  therefore  occupied 
by  the  work  of  the  MCRC,  alternative  service  for  military  draftees,  and  the  collection  of  the 
Reiseschuld. 

By  1 94 1  the  MCRC  had  sent  the  first  of  many  shipments  of  clothing  to  help  the  war  victims 
in  Britain.  In  August  of  1 945  the  MCC 
[the  parent  agency  of  MCRC] 
commissioned  Cornelius  to  go  to 
Europe  to  help  deal  with  the  refugee 
situation.  He  was  to  look  for  and  help 
Mennonite  refugees,  to  set  up  camps, 
and  to  deal  with  organizations  such  as 
the  United  Nations  Relief  and 
Rehabilitaion  Administration 
[UNRRA].  In  this  capacity  he  travelled 
widely  in  Britain,  Holland,  Belgium, 

Denmark,  Germany  and  France.  This 
brought  him  directly  into  negotiations 
for  the  Berlin  Mennonite  refugees, 
where  he,  together  with  Peter  and 
Elfrieda  Dyck  [Elfneda,  his  youngest 
sister]  played  a  significant  part  in  the 
miracle  of  the  escape  of  1 , 1 1 5  across  the  Soviet  zone .  He  worked  tirelessly  with  the  emigration  of 
thousands  of  refugees  to  Canada,  Paraguay,  Argentina,  Brazil  and  Uruguay. 

While  Cornelius  was  busy  in  Europe  the  family  moved  to  British  Columbia,  arriving  in 


239 


Mission  on  April  23,  1948.  His  time  was  divided  between  his  family,  visits  to  the  churches  in 
North  America,  and  travels  to  Europe.  By  1952  he  was  dealing  with  the  Canadian  authorities 
regarding  entry  visas  for  the  more  difficult  refugee  cases. 

Cornelius  spoke  at  the  closing  program  of  the 
European  Mennonite  Bible  School  in  Bienenberg, 
Switzerland  on  January  28,  1954,  then  in  March  took  the 
family  with  him  on  a  trip  to  Geneva  and  the  Swiss  Alps.  On 
May  7  he  was  driving  from  Bremen  in  Germany  to  a  peace 
conference  which  was  to  be  held  in  Heerewegen,  Holland, 
where  he  was  to  give  a  lecture.  On  the  way  he  felt  some 
chest  pain,  but  continued  to  drive  [very  fast,  as  he  apparently 
usually  did],  until  he  reached  Gronau,  Germany.  There  he 
saw  a  doctor,  and  was  immediately  admitted  to  hospital  with 
a  mild  heart  attack.  Treatment  seemed  to  improve  his 
condition,  and  that  evening  he  had  a  one  and  a  half  hour 
meeting  with  Wilhelm  Regehr,  director  of  a  refugee  home. 
He  read  and  prepared  his  lecture  until  10  PM,  telling  the 
nurse  that  he  needed  to  reach  Heerewegen  the  following  day. 
Then  he  fell  asleep.  At  12  midnight  he  had  another,  much 
more  serious  heart  attack.  His  condition  worsened,  and  he 
died  at  1 1  AM  on  May  8,  1954.  His  wife  Mary  had  been 
sent  for,  but  arrived  shortly  after  his  death. 

A  memorial  service  was  held  on  May  12  at  the  Nord- 
Ost  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  in  Frankfurt.  It  was  led  by  Cornelius  Wall,  and  attended  by 
representatives  from  the  MCC,  and  from  the  Mennonites  of  Germany,  Holland,  Switzerland  and 
France.  At  the  burial  service  the  following  day  C.  N.  Hiebert  and  Gerhard  Hein  spoke.  Cornelius 
was  interred  in  a  small  Mennonite  cemetery  near  Leutesdorf\Neuwied  in  Germany.  Another 
memorial  service  was  held  on  May  16  in  the  Elmwood  Mennonite  Brethren  Church  in  Winnipeg, 
where  Cornelius  had  long  been  a  member.  Speakers  paying  tribute  included  A.  H.  Unruh, 
B.  B.  Janz,  J.  J.  Thiessen,  C.  A.  Defehr,  J.  A.  Toews  and  H.  H.  Janzen.  Telegrams  and  flowers 
flowed  in  to  both  Germany  and  Winnipeg  from  many  parts  of  the  world. 

Dr.  Walter  Quiring  aptly  assessed  the  life  and  work  of  Cornelius  Franz  Klassen.  He  wrote, 
“The  history  of  our  people  after  the  war  will  portray  C.  F.  Klassen  as  a  man  who,  in  times  of  crisis, 
has  served  with  skill  and  sacrificial  dedication,  and  that  often  bordering  on  self  sacrifice... at  his 
grave  side  stand  not  only  his  wife  and  children,  but  also  an  uncountable  crowd  of  sorrowing  people 
from  the  wide  world,  from  wherever  there  are  Mennonites.” 

As  mentioned  previously,  a  firm  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  was  the  mainspring  of  Cornelius’ 
thoughts  and  actions.  His  motto  “Gott  kann”  [God  is  able]  inspired  many  with  whom  he  came  in 
contact. 

Sources: 

Epp,  Frank  H.,  Mennonite  Exodus,  Canadian  Mennonite  Relief  and  Immigration  Council, 

Altona,  Canada,  1962,  many  references  throughout,  especially  pp  376-427 
Klassen  Family  book,  The  Franz  and  Justina  Klassen  Family  Book,  1998,  pp  9-24 
Klassen,  H.  F.,  Cornelius  Klassen,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  19  May  1954,  pp  1,  4,  5 
Klassen,  Herbert  and  Maureen,  Ambassador  to  His  People,  Kindred  Press,  Winnipeg,  Canada, 
and  Hillsboro,  USA,  1990,  pp  19-36 
News  Report,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  12  May  1954,  p  1 


Cornelius  F.  Klassen  [1894-1954] 


240 


News  Report,  Gedenkfeier  in  Winnipeg  fuer  Bruder  C.  F.  Klassen,  Mennonitische  Rundschau, 
19  May  1954,  p  8 

Quiring,  Walter,  C.  F.  Klassen,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  19  May  1954,  pp  1,  5 
Springer  Nelson  P.,  and  Klassen,  A.  J.,  Mennonite  Bibliography  1631-1961,  Herald  Press, 
Scottdale,  USA,  and  Kitchener,  Canada,  1977,  p  28 
Toews,  J.  A.,  pp  92,  1 19, 121,  355,  388, 395,  396,  399 
Tributes  to  C.  F.  Klassen,  Mennonitische  Rundschau,  26  May  1954,  pp  2,  3 


241 


“NUN  DANKET  ALLE  GOTT” 
[Now  Thank  We  All  Our  God] 


This  hymn  seems  to  have  been  a  theme  song  for  Mennonites  leaving  the  Soviet  Union.  It 
is  specifically  mentioned  as  having  been  sung  on  a  number  of  occasions,  and  appeared  to  have 
expressed  musically  what  was  in  the  souls  of  the  people. 

The  first  group  of  Molotschna  refugees  had  left  Lichtenau  by  train  on  June  23,  1 924.  They 
travelled  through  Alexandrovsk,  Kursk,  Orel,  Smolensk,  Vitebsk,  Polotsk,  the  finally  approached 
the  Soviet  border  at  Sebej.  There  they  waited  for  24  hours  to  complete  the  emigration  lists,  and  the 
baggage  was  inspected.  The  night  of  June  29-30  the  train  passed  the  Russian  border  into  Latvia, 
stopping  at  Zilupe.  Many  who  had  gone  through  difficult  experiences  in  their  former  homes  could 
now  finally  breathe  a  sigh  of  relief.  Early  in  the  morning  in  an  open  air  service  of  thanks  to  God 
was  held,  expressing  gratefulness  for  his  wonderful  leading.  With  joyful  hearts  the  group  sang 
“Nun  danket  alle  Gott.  ” 

A  total  of  13,000  to  15,000  desperate  Mennonites  collected  in  the  suburbs  of  Moscow  in 
late  1929,  hoping  to  get  exit  visas.  Of  these,  somewhat  over  6,000  were  accepted  by  Germany. 
They  travelled  from  Moscow  to  Riga,  then  on  to  three  camps  in  Germany.  On  arrival  in  Riga  they 
prayed,  and  sang  “ Nun  danket  alle  Gott”  and  each  had  a  warm  bowl  of  soup. 

When  the  train,  loaded  with  40  freight  cars  full  of  Berlin  refugees  pulled  out  of  the  Soviet 
zone  in  January,  1947,  into  the  British  zone  of  occupation  at  Helmstedt,  it  stopped.  Peter  Dyck 
jumped  off  the  train  and  ran  from  car  to  car  shouting  “We  are  Out!”  The  entire  train  then  started 
to  sing  “Nun  danket  alle  Gott.” 

Words  of  the  hymn  were  written  by  Martin  Rinkart  [1586-1649],  probably  in  1636.  Music 
was  composed  by  Johann  Crueger  [1598-1662]  in  1648.  The  scriptural  base  for  the  words  is  found 
in  I  Chronicles  29:13 

Now  therefore,  our  God,  we  thank  thee, 

And  praise  thy  glorious  name. 

This  hymn  was  long  a  part  of  the  Lutheran  choral  tradition,  ft  is  quite  possible  that 
Mennonites  heard  their  Lutheran  neighbours  in  Prussia  singing  this  hymn,  liked  it,  and  incorporated 
it  into  their  own  tradition.  The  Geistreiches  Gesangbuch  published  by  Gerhard  Wiebe  in  1767 
contains  150  Psalms,  and  505  spiritual  songs,  including  “Nun  danket  alle  Gott ”  in  the  first  section. 
Mennonites  brought  this  songbook,  and  this  song  with  them  from  Prussia  to  Russia.  At  least  seven 
editions  of  Geistreiches  Gesangbuch  were  published  in  Russia. 

The  emigrants  took  this  hymn  along  with  them  when  they  moved  to  North  America.  It  was 
originally  in  German,  but  the  current  hymnals  of  the  Mennonite  Brethren  and  the  General 
Conference  of  Mennonites  have  the  English  version.  Translation  into  English  was  by  Catherine 
Winkworth  [1829-1878].  Her  dates  indicate  that  the  English  version  likely  existed  before  the 
Mennonites  brought  the  German  original  of  the  hymn  to  North  America.  A  commonly  used 
harmonization  is  by  Felix  Mendelsohn  [1809-1847]. 

Sources: 

Letkemann,  Peter,  The  Hymnody  and  Choral  Music  of  Mennonites  in  Russia,  1789-1915, 
unpublished  Doctoral  Thesis,  University  of  Toronto,  1985,  pp  266,  500 


242 


The  “Red  Gate,”  on  the  Russian-Latvian  border,  through  which 
many  Mennonites  passed  when  they  left  the  Soviet  Union 


243 


244 


INDEX 


This  index  lists  all  geographic  names  and  all  personal  names  mentioned  in  this 
book.  Many  other  subjects  are  also  listed.  The  text  and  the  maps  are  indexed,  as  well  as 
special  notes  that  follow  some  of  the  chapters,  but  of  course  not  the  bibliographic 
references.  Some  publications  are  mentioned  in  the  text;  these  are  then  indexed,  but  not 
when  they  occur  in  the  bibliography. 

“Mennonite”  has  not  been  indexed,  it  being  such  a  ubiquitous  word  in  this 
manuscript,  nor  has  “Russia\USSR\Soviet,”  again  because  it  would  occur  on  almost  every 
page.  Russia\USSR  has  been  indexed  only  where  it  is  directly  mentioned  on  a  map. 
“Europe”  has  not  been  indexed,  because  of  its  frequent  and  often  non-specific  use. 

Generally  specific  congregations  have  not  been  listed,  rather  the  townWillage  in 
which  they  are  located,  unless  there  is  an  extensive  description,  for  example  Friedensfeld 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church. 

The  principal  person  is  usually  listed  without  additional  description,  whereas  this 
person’s  father,  if  they  have  the  same  name,  is  listed  as  Sr.[senior],  and  the  son  as 
Jr.[junior].  Sometimes  there  are  a  number  ofpeople  with  the  same  name  who  may  not  even 
be  related.  If  it  is  certain  that  they  are  different  people,  they  are  simply  listed  in  order  of 
appearance  in  the  book. 

One  can  not  always  be  sure  of  titles  which  have  been  given  to  people.  An  instance 
may  be  the  title  “Pastor,”  which  may  actually  have  originally  been  Pfarrer,  or  Minister.  In 
this  index  we  have  used  the  term  which  occurred  in  the  original  source  material. 

Bold  numbers  are  used  to  designate  an  article  written  specifically  about  that  person, 
occurrence  or  subject. 


Abbreviations  used  in  the  index: 

Chortitza  Colony  -  Chor 
Molotschna  Colony  -  Mol 
Neu  Samara  -  Neu  S 
Sagradovka  Colony  -  Sag 
Savitaya  Colony  -  Sav 
Shumanovka  -  Shu 
Usman  Colony  -  Usm 


245 


A 

Abbotsford,  178 
Aberdeen,  74 
Abramov,  General,  163 
Ackerman,  1 1 1 
Afforestation,  28 
Afghanistan,  63 
Africa,  184 

Agricultural  Society,  25,  27,  28, 
29 

Aigun  [Xigangzil],  208,  209 
Aiwasowsky,  artist,  114 
Ak  Metchet,  60,  61,  63 
Akron,  23 1 
Alberta,  176-178 
Alberta  Mennonite  High  School, 
177 

Alexander,  Chinese  guide,  203, 
205,  206 

Alexander  I,  Czar  of  Russia,  8, 
14-19 

Alexander  II,  Czar  of  Russia,  17, 
19,  35,43 

Alexander  III,  Czar  of  Russia,  19 
Alexanderfeld,  Kuban,  35,  43 
Alexanderfeld,  Sag,  161 
Alexanderheim,  69 
Alexanderkrone,  Mol,  54,  104, 
131,  163 

Alexanderkrone,  Sag,  161 
Alexanderpol,  155 
Alexanderpol,  Memrik,  69 
Alexandertal,  Mol,  23,  69,  96 
Alexanderthal,  Fuerstenland,  64 
Alexanderwohl,  Mol,  16,  23,  35, 
41,49,51,52,  119,  122,  150, 
176 

Alexandra,  Czarina  of  Russia,  17 
Alexandrovsk  [see  Zaporozhye] 
Alf,  Baptist  Minister,  46 
Allen,  Captain,  233 
Allies,  185,  199,  222,  226,  228 
Alma  Ata,  63,  82 
Alt  Berdyansk  Forestry  Station, 
176 

Altonau,  Mol,  14,  16,  18,  108, 
109,  111,  158,  166 
Altonau,  Sag,  161 
Alt  Samara  Colony,  xv,  104,  193, 
238 

AMLV,  192,  238 
Amsterdam,  181,  198,  229,  239 
Am  Trakt  Colony,  xv,  59,  62, 

180,  193 

Amudar’ya  River,  60,  63 
Amur  River,  129,  193,  198, 
201-206,  208,  209 


Anabaptist,  10,  11,  32,  79,  82,  84 
Anadol  Forestry  Camp,  77,  84 
Andrea,  Inspector,  35,  43 
Andreasfeld,  Cor,  47,  69,  71,  73, 
79 

Anglican  Church,  128 
Annafeld,  Borozenko,  87 
Annenskoye,  Neu  S,  98 
Antwerp,  55,  56,  170,  174,  185 
Apanlee  Estate,  135 
Arab  River,  166 
Aral  Sea,  62,  63 
Argentina,  195, 226,  239 
Aries  River,  63 
Arkhara,  209 
Arctic  Ocean,  217 
Arkadak  Colony,  xv 
Armenschule,  45 
Arnold,  Wilhelm,  197 
Aschabad,  138 

Asia,  59,61-63,99,  151,  180, 
184,219 

Assiniboine  River,  239 
Astrakhan,  xv,  126,  133,  141 
Atlantic  Ocean,  170,  174 
Atlantic  Park,  176,  198 
Aulie  Ata  [Dzhambul],  63 
Aulie  Ata  Colony,  59,  60,  63 
Aussiedler,  98 
Australia,  68 

Austria,  30,  104,  152,  227 
Azov,  Sea  of,  xv,  xvii,  38,  62, 
163,  173 


B 

Baden  Baden,  131 
Bachtchi-Sari,  3 
Backnang,  37,  226,  227 
Baedeker,  Dr.  Friedrich,  W.,  126 
Baerwalde,  West  Prussia,  27 
Bahndorf  [Orlov],  Memrik,  82 
Bakersfield,  105 
Bakhchisaray,  xvii 
Balkhash,  Lake,  63 
Baltic  Sea,  6,  7,  126,  132,  135, 
137,  138,  169,  173,  174,  185, 
218,222,  226,227,  238 
Balzer,  Heinrich,  12 
Baptism,  Immersion,  45,  46,  49, 
175 

Baptist,  46,  71,89,  120,  122, 
129,  193,  194 
Baratov  Colony,  xvii 
Bargen,  Bernhard,  238 
Bartel,  Heinrich,  46 
Bartel,  Wilhelm,  33,  39,  46 
Bartsch,  Christina  [Philipsen],  9 


Bartsch,  Jakob,  9 
Bartsch,  Jakob,  9 
Bartsch,  Johann,  1-8,  9 
Bartsch,  Magdalena  [Laemmert], 
9 

Bartsch,  Susanna  [Laemmert],  9 
Barvenkovo,  101 
Basel,  104,  127,  142,  197 
Basel,  University  of,  197 
Bashkir  Republic,  97,  237 
Battle  of  the  Bulge,  225 
Batum,  120 
Batzenhof,  197 
Baumann,  Pastor,  138 
Becker  [Bekker,  Boecker],  Jakob, 
33,  36,  38,43,46 
Begim-Tschokrak  River,  144, 

145,  147 

Bekker,  Benjamin,  36, 46 
Belarus,  xv 
Belaya  River,  xv 
Belfast,  185 
Belgium,  239 
Belgrade,  173,227 
Belo  Beryesovka,  Shu,  208 
Belogorsk,  209 
Berda  River,  38 

Berdyansk,  xvii,  32,  38,  42,  112, 
137 

Bergmann,  Peter,  101 
Bergthal  Colony,  xvii 
Berislav,  xvii,  2,  6,  7.  223,  227 
Berlin,  30,  101,  104,  125,  142, 

162,  174,  180,  193,  198,227, 
228-236,  237,  239,  242 

Bemadotte,  Prince,  142 
Berne,  132 

Bestvater,  William,  75 
Bethel  College,  180,  181 
Bezborodko,  Count  Alexander, 
4,7,9 

Bible  Conference,  117-118,  119, 
122,  125,  126,  128,  129,  131 
Biermann,  Pfarrer,  37 
Bienenberg,  240 
Birobidzhan,  209 
Biyuk-Onlar,  216,  217 
Black  Sea,  xv,  xvii,  6,  62,  65, 

163,  173,227,  228 
Blagoveshchensk,  201,  208 
Blankenberg,  126 

Bluecher,  General  Gebhard  von, 
48 

Blue  Mountains  of  China,  202 
Blumenau,  47 
Blumenau,  Brazil,  195 
Blumenfeld,  Nepluyevka,  84,  90 
Blumenhof,  Borozenko,  87 


246 


Blumenort,  Manitoba,  10 
Blumenort,  Mol,  158 
Blumenort,  Sag,  161 
Blumenort,  Usm,  208 
Blumstein,  Mol,  11,  14,  18,  51, 
54, 108, 109, 168 
Bochum,  120 
Boese,  David,  64 
Boese,  Peter,  54 
Bogajewsky,  Dr.,  137 
Bogomasov,  Neu  S,  98 
Bogomasov,  Owner,  97 
Bohnsack,  1,  5,  7,  9 
Bolsheviks  [Communists],  130, 
152, 162, 176, 186, 192, 201, 
204, 206, 210, 230 
Boone  County,  55 
Borissovo  Colony,  xvii,  210 
Bornholm  Island,  169, 174 
Bom,  Isaak,  68,  71,  77, 106 
Boschmann,  Elder  Daniel,  97 
Bote,  Der,  199 

Borozenko  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  12, 
64,81,87,217 
Brandenburg,  32 
Brandenburg,  Pastor  Hans,  127, 
142 

Brauer,  Friedrich,  69 
Braun,  District  Representative, 
31 

Braun,  Abraham,  120 
Braun,  Elisabeth,  186, 187, 189 
Braun,  Franz,  92 
Braun,  Heinrich,  106 
Braun,  Heinrich,  106 
Braun,  Heinrich,  186 
Braun,  Heinrich  J.,  117, 118, 
119-121, 122,  123, 132,  134, 
135, 149, 150 

Braun,  Helena  [Baergen],  119 
Braun,  Helena  [Peters],  1 19, 120 
Braun,  Jakob,  1 19 
Braun,  Johann,  237 
Braun,  Maria,  135 
Braun,  Maria  [Peters],  119 
Braun,  Martha  [Siever],  120 
Brazil,  177, 195, 198, 206, 239 
Brietenau,  197 
Bremen,  73, 101, 227, 240 
Bremerhaven,  232-235 
Brenkenhofswalde,  40 
Brest-Litovsk,  Treaty  of,  152 
Bristol,  132 

Britain,  174,  228,  229, 233, 234, 
235, 239,  242 

British  Columbia,  123, 178, 239 
Brucks,  J.  H.,  93 
Bruderschule,  40-42, 45 


Butyrki  Prison,  162 
Bucharest,  227 
Budapest,  173, 227 
Buenos  Aires,  195, 235 
Bugger,  112 
Buhler,  57 
Buhler,  Jakob,  28 
Bukhara,  63 
Bukhara  [city],  63 
Bukhara,  Emir  of,  60 
Bulgaria,  xv,  142, 227 
Bureya  River,  208, 209 
Burwalde,  180 
Busuluk  Region,  97 

C 

Cahir,  128 

California,  57, 74, 101,  105 
Canada,  17, 48,  72, 73,  75,  85, 
97, 120, 123, 127, 139, 151, 
167,  170, 171, 172,  176, 177, 
180-186, 190, 192, 193, 195, 
197,  198,201,202,214,226, 
231,238, 239,240 
Canadian  Mennonite  Board  of 
Colonization  and  Immigration, 
177, 181,239 

Canadian  Pacific  Railway  [CPR], 
168-172, 177, 180,  181, 185, 
193 

Caspian  Sea,  xv,  62, 138 
Catherine  n,  Czarina  of  Russia, 
1,3,4,  5,  7, 9, 16, 17, 19 
Catholic,  38, 192, 193, 194 
Caucasus  Mountains,  xv,  35, 43, 
62, 139, 193 
Central  America,  184 
Chabarovsk,  202 
Chardzhou,  63 
Cherbourg,  170, 174 
Chemigovka,  153, 163, 164, 166 
Chesnovkovo,  208 
Chicago,  74, 101 
Chimkent,  63 

China,  63, 183,  202-206, 208, 
209 

Chingul  River,  166 
Choral  Conductors’  Workshop, 
77-80,81,84,  85,  88,90 
Chord  [Khorol],  82 
Chortitza,  Chor,  3, 158 
Chortitza  Colony,  xiii,  xv,  xvii, 

8,  9, 11,27, 29,35,  44,  47,  49, 
73,  87,  88, 99, 101, 103, 148, 
158,  162, 172,210,218,222, 
223,  224, 227 
Chortitza  Island,  5,  7,  8 


Chortitza  River,  7 
Christiania  [Oslo],  174 
Christlicher  Familienkalender, 

14, 16,  114,  115, 125 
Churchill,  Sir  Winston,  228 
Cincinnati,  38 

Claassen,  Catharina  [Schmidt], 

44 

Claassen,  David,  44 
Claassen,  Johann,  33-36, 38,  40, 
41,42-44,  45,46,  47 
Claassen,  Katharina  [Reimer],  43, 

45 

Claassen,  Maria,  44 
Clay,  General  Lucius  D.,  232, 
233, 235 

Coal  dale,  176, 177, 178 
Coaldale  Bible  School,  177 
Coffman,  C.,  171 
Communion,  33, 40, 42, 45, 46, 
88,  99, 101 

Communists  [see  Bolsheviks] 
Constantinople,  120 
Contends  [see  Kontenius] 

Com,  44 

Comelsen,  Abraham,  33, 34,  35, 
40, 42, 43, 45 

Comies,  Agnes  [Klassen],  25,  26, 
27,  29 

Comies,  David,  25 
Comies,  Johann,  12, 16, 25-29, 
32,42,51 

Comies,  Johann  [Jr.],  25, 27,  29 
Comies,  Johann  [Sr.],  27 
Comies,  Maria,  27 
Cossacks,  8 

Crighton-Stuart,  James  Esq.,  128 
Crimea,  xv,  xvii,  2, 3,  5, 6, 14, 
19,27, 38,  55,  88, 92, 93, 97, 
111,  114, 117, 120, 122, 125, 
126, 132, 153, 154, 155, 163, 
173, 175, 193, 194, 197,211, 
214,216,217,227,228,237 
Crimean  War,  53, 148 
Crueger,  Johann,  242 
Crystal  Palace,  London,  104 
Czechoslovakia,  173,  227 

D 

Dakotas,  101 
Danube  River,  xv,  173 
Danzig,  1, 4,  5,  6,  7,  9, 10,  27, 
162,173,174, 181,198,222, 
226, 227,  239 
Daqing,  209 

Defehr,  Cornelius  A.,  240 
Dein  Reich  Komme,  126, 142 


247 


Denikin,  General  Anton  I.,  153, 
158,  160 

Denmark,  226,  239 
Dennis,  Colonel  J.  S.,  181 
Deutsch-Wymyschle,  88,  89 
Deutz,  Otto,  237 
Devlakanovo,  Ufa,  93,  104,  106 
Dick,  David  J.,  135 
Diphtheria,  64,  65,  66 
Dirks,  Elder  Heinrich,  150 
Dirksen,  Jakob,  Minister,  54 
Dnepropetrovsk 
[see  Ekaterinoslav] 
Dnepropetrovsk  Oblast,  211,217 
Dniepr  River,  xv,  xvii,  2,  7,  163, 
173,218,  222,223,227 
Dniestr  River,  xv,  162,  173 
Dobenko,  General,  154,  156 
Doerksen,  Gerhard,  145 
Dolinsk,  Neu  S,  98 
Donetsk  [Stalino],  xvii,  157 
Donets  River,  xv 
Don  River,  xv,  27,  62,  122,  173 
Donskoye,  Neu  S,  94,  97,  98,  237 
Dorpat  [Tartu],  137 
Drayton  Park  N.,  129 
Dresden,  104 
Dublin,  128 
Dubrovno,  2,  6,  7 
Dueck,  Abram,  81 
Dueck,  Abram,  81,  82,  88,  89 
Dueck,  Agatha  [Thielmann],  81, 
88 

Dueck,  Bernhard  [Jr.],  81 
Dueck,  Bernhard  [Sr.],  81,  87,  88 
Dueck,  Bernhard  B.,  64,  68,  69, 
71,77,  79,  80,  81-83,  84,  86 
88,  89,  90 
Dueck,  David,  137 
Dueck,  Gerhard,  81 
Dueck,  Greta,  81,  82 
Dueck,  Heinrich,  175 
Dueck,  Isaak,  65 
Dueck,  Jacob,  81 
Dueck,  Johann,  81 
Dueck,  Katharina,  81,  82 
Dueck,  Lena,  8 1 
Dueck,  Margaretha  [Wiebe],  81, 
82,  83 

Dueckmann,  Jakob,  160 
Duerksen,  Anna  [Martens],  99, 
100 

Duerksen,  David,  1 00 
Duerksen,  Elder  David  G.,  92,  93 
94,  97,  99-100,  101,  125 
Duerksen,  David  K.,  Minister, 

178 

Duerksen,  Gerhard,  100 


Duerksen,  Johann,  100 
Dukhobors,  25,  29 
Dushanbe,  63 
Dutch  [see  Netherlands] 

Dvina  River,  xv,  6 
Dyck,  Aganetha,  186 
Dyck,  Elfrieda  [Klassen], 
229-235,  237,  239 
Dyck,  Franz,  187-190 
Dyck,  H.  F.,  176,  238 
Dyck,  Jakob,  142 
Dyck,  Katharina,  186,  190 
Dyck,  Margaretha,  186 
Dyck,  Peter,  186-190 
Dyck,  Peter,  229-235,  237,  239, 
242 

Dyck,  Wilhelm,  71,  77,  79 
Dyck,  Wilhelm,  120 

E 

Earthquake,  24 

East  Prussia,  137,  173,  222,  227 
Ebenezer  [city],  63 
Ebenezer  M.  B.  Church,  Kansas, 
55,  56,  57 
Ebenfeld,  69 
Ebert,  Mrs.,  219 
Ediger,  H.,  Ill 
Egypt,  184 

Eichenfeld,  Yazykovo,  158 
Eichenfeld,  Usm,  208 
Eigenheim,  180 

Einlage,  Chor,  47,  48,  50,  53,  87, 
103 

Ekaterinoslav  [Dnepropetrovsk], 
xv,  xvii,  6,  8,  120,  148,  149, 
157,  173 

Ekaterinoslav  Province,  12,  45, 
47,  187 

Elbe  River,  222,  226-228 
Elbing,  180 
Elgersheim,  37 
Elias,  J.,  171 

Elisabetthal,  Mol,  33,  34,  40,  42, 
43,45 

Emmental,  131 

England,  68,  104,  117,  128,  129, 
132,  176,  198 
Enns,  Gerhard  J.,  170 
Enns,  Elder  Jakob,  1 1 
Enns,  Jakob,  64,  118 
Enns,  K„  111 
Enns,  Klaas,  54 
Ens,  Isaak,  64 
Epidemic,  64-65 
Epp,  Elder,  69 
Epp,  Elisabeth,  59,  61 


Epp,  Johann,  164 

Epp,  Klaas  [Jr.],  49,  59-63,  180 

Epp,  Komelius,  10, 

Epp,  Margareth,  59 
Epp,  Elder  Peter,  1,7,  10 
Epp,  P.  B„  193 
Epp,  P.  P.,  171 
Escondido,  57 
Estland,  135 

Estonia,  xv,  129,  137,  227 
Ewert,  H.  H„  180 
Excommunication,  11,  46,  47,  60 
Exposition,  111-112,  114,  115 

F 

Fairmead,  105 

False  Humility  Movement,  12 
Famine,  22,  176 

Fast,  Elder  Bernhard,  26,  31,  32, 
35,40,51 
Fast,  Heinrich,  144 
Fast,  Elder  Jacob,  1 1 
Fast,  Jakob,  92 
Fast,  Johann  J.,  54,  56 
Fast,  Lena,  144 
Fast,  Peter,  87 
Fast,  Peter,  193 
Federau,  Wilhelm,  203 
Fehderau,  Johann,  197 
Fehr,  Elder  Komelius  A.,  93,  94, 
103 

Fehr,  Margaretha  [Koslowsky], 
103 

Fellman,  Pfarrer  Walter,  127 
Felsenbach,  Borozenko,  87 
Felsenthal,  43,  54,  56 
Feodorovna,  Maria,  4 
Feodosiya,  xvii,  3,  6,  114 
Femheim  Colony,  195 
Filadelfia,  139,  196 
Finland,  174 
Fires,  107-109 
Fire  Insurance,  108,  1 10 
Fischau,  Mol,  11,  29,  146,  147 
Five-Year  Plan,  192 
Flemish  Mennonite  Church,  7,  8, 
11,33,40,42,45 
Flood,  144-146 

Forestry  Service  [Forstei],  53,  84, 
148,  176 

Forstei  [see  Forestry  Service] 
France,  68,  170,  174,  198,  228, 
239,  240 

Frankfurt,  231,240 
Franz,  David,  Minister,  103 
Franz,  Heinrich  [Sr.],  33,  40,  42, 
45,  106 


248 


Franz,  Heinrich,  52 
Franzfeld,  Yazykovo,  158 
Franztal,  Mol,  23, 24 
Friedensdorf,  Mol,  23, 163, 164, 
219,  221 

Friedensfeld  [Miropol], 
Borozenko,  12,  47,  56,  64, 
68-71,  77,  79-81,  84,  87, 

88,  89, 119,  122,213,217 
Friedensfeld,  Sag,  161 
Friedensfeld,  Shu,  201,  204,  208 
Friedensfeld  Mennonite  Brethren 
Church,  80,  81,  82,  84, 87-91 
Friedensruh,  Mol,  49,  51 
Friedensstimme,  72,  111,  113, 
115, 117-120, 125, 126, 129, 
131-134, 148 
Friesen,  204 
Friesen,  A.  A.,  139, 172 
Friesen,  Elder  Abraham,  12 
Friesen,  Elder  Abraham,  31 
Friesen,  Abraham,  119 
Friesen,  Daniel,  Minister,  92,  94 
Friesen,  David,  Oberschulze,  35, 
43 

Friesen,  Elder  Frank,  177 
Friesen,  Heinrich,  89,  90 
Friesen,  Isaak,  Minister,  101 
Friesen,  J.,  Ill 
Friesen,  Jakob,  Minister,  134 
Friesen,  Jakob  P.,  Minister,  170, 
171 

Friesen,  Elder  Johann,  12 
Friesen,  Peter,  20 
Friesen,  Peter  M.,  Historian,  17, 
41,44,  47,48,51,57,81,84, 
87,  89,92,  95, 119, 122, 125 
Friesen,  Rudy  P.,  Architect,  95 
Frisian  Mennonite  Church,  8,  9, 
11 

Froehlich  Richtung 

[Joyful  Faction],  43,  46,  47 
Froese,  G.  P.,  122 
Froese,  Johann,  71,  77 
Froese,  Peter  F.,  176,  237-239 
Frunze,  63 

Fuersorgekomitee,  12, 26-30,  35, 
41,43 

Fuerstenau,  Mol,  15, 18,  53-56, 
87 

Fuerstenland  Colony,  xvii,  64 
Funkkaseme  Camp,  231 
Funk,  Peter,  88 

G 

Gaeddert,  Minister,  49 
Gaede,  112 


Gaede,  Heinrich,  144, 145 
Galicia,  30 

Gavel,  Agronomist,  27 
Gebhardt,  Ernst,  71,  73,  77 
Geneva,  240 
Genoa,  131,  185 
Gensichen,  Superintendent,  142 
Georgia,  xv 

German-English  Academy  [see 
Rosthem  Junior  College] 
Germany,  37,  77,  88, 98, 99, 105, 
106,  120,  125, 126,  127, 131, 
139, 141, 152, 153,  162,  163, 
169, 174, 177, 183, 185, 
192-195,  197-199,210,218, 
220, 222, 223, 225-228, 234, 
235,  238-240,  242 
Giesbrecht,  Bernhard,  160 
Giesbrecht,  Peter,  64 
Gilchin  River,  208 
Gluchow,  137 
Glick,  230 

Gnadenfeld,  Aulie  Ata,  59, 63 
Gnadenfeld,  Mol,  29,  32-34, 
38-42, 45,  46,  48,  56,  64,  69, 
70,  96, 114, 131, 148-150, 
152-156, 166,  175,218-222 
Gnadenfeld,  Sag,  159,  161 
Gnadenfeld  Volost,  99,  148, 152, 
153,  155,  156 

Gnadenheim,  Mol,  16,  219,  221 
Gnadental,  Aulie  Ata,  59,  63 
Gnadenthal,  Mol,  64, 108, 109, 
125,219, 221 

Goertzen,  Peter  F.,  Minister,  170 
Goossen,  Peter,  107, 110 
Gorchakov,  General  Prince 
Michael,  15 

GPU,  194, 201-204, 206, 

239 

Great  Britain,  128 
Great  Wall  of  China,  209 
Greek  Orthodox,  193 
Greenwich  Mean  Time,  24 
Gregorian  Calendar,  1, 4,  91 
Gretna,  180 
Gronau,  226, 227, 240 
Grosse  Gemeinde,  1 1 
Grossweide,  Mol,  24, 140, 156 
Grubb,  George  Carleton,  128 
Grubb,  Reverend  Harry  Percy, 
117,  118,  126,128 
Grubb,  Margaret 

[Crighton-Stuart],  128 
Grubb,  Maria,  128 
Grubb,  Richard,  128 
Gruenfeld,  Borozenko,  12,  87 
Gruenfeld,  Shu,  208 


Grunau,  38 

Guenther,  Heinrich,  133 
Gulyaipole,  xvii,  158, 162 
Gur’yev,  62 

H 

Hahn,  Pastor,  139 
Hahnsau,  Am  Trakt,  59 
Haig,  A.  L.,  142 
Halstead,  180 
Halstead  Seminary,  180 
Halberstadt,  141 
Halbstadt,  Mol,  11, 23, 24, 28, 
35,41,42,  47,49,51,52,  54, 
56,  88, 109-115, 117, 119, 
120, 122,  125,  126,  128-131, 
133, 137, 139, 140,  144-155, 
163, 166, 167, 171, 176, 197, 
198,219 

Halbstadt,  Sav,  208 
Halbstadt  Days  of  Terror,  152 
Halbstadt  Volost,  148, 152, 153 
Haider,  General  Franz,  218 
Hallman,  E.  S„  172 
Hamberg,  Mol,  64, 99, 107,  109, 
219,  221 

Hamburg,  119, 122, 174, 193, 
227 

Hamburg  Baptist  Theological 
Seminary,  119, 122, 125 
Hammerstein,  195 
Hannover,  227 

Harbin,  183, 198, 202, 206, 209 
Harder,  Abraham,  5 1 
Harder,  Bernhard,  Minister,  49, 
50,  51-52,  151 
Harder,  Gerhard,  52 
Harder,  Heinrich,  Minister,  139 
Harder,  Helena  [Ewert],  52 
Harder,  Elder  Johann,  150 
Harder,  Katharina  [Boschmann] 
52 

Harder,  L.,  151 
Harder,  Marie,  5 1 
Harder,  Peter,  52 
Harvey  County,  55 
Hausknecht,  Dr.,  134 
Heerewegen,  240 
Hegang,  209 

Hege,  Elder  Christian,  197 
Heihe,  208 

Heidelberg,  University  of,  199 
Hein,  Gerhard,  240 
Heine,  F.  R.,  1 12 
Heinemann,  Dr.,  64 
Helgoland  Island,  170, 174 
Helmstedt,  233,  234, 242 


249 


Helsinki,  6,  174 
Hepburn,  74 
Herbert,  74 

Herblock,  Cartoonist,  212 
Herzenberg,  54 
Heuboden,  Borozenko,  87 
Hiebert,  Agatha,  14,  15 
Hiebert,  C.  N.,  Minister,  239,  240 
Hiebert,  D.  D.,  57 
Hiebert,  David,  14,  15 
Hiebert,  Martin,  145 
Hiebert,  N.  N„  75 
Hierschau,  Mol,  29,  107,  109, 
163,  164,  166,  186,  187,  190, 
219,  221,222 
Hillsboro,  57 
Himmler,  Heinrich,  198 
Hindenberg,  President  Paul  von, 
193,  199 

Hitler,  Adolf,  218 
Hochfeld,  Yazykovo,  158 
Hochstaedt,  139 
Hoeppner,  Christina  [Bentz],  7 
Hoeppner,  Jakob,  1-9,  7-8 
Hoeppner,  Jakob  [Sr,],  7 
Hoeppner,  Sara  [Dyck],  7,  8 
Hofacker,  Ludwig,  5 1 
Hohendorf,  Aulie  Ata,  59 
Holland  [see  Netherlands] 
Homeyer,  Heinz  von,  153 
Hotel,  Elder  Johannes,  197 
Hottmann,  Joseph,  39 
Huebert,  Abram,  Missionary,  1 23 
Huebert,  Agnes,  216 
Huebert,  David,  155 
Huebert,  Elisabeth,  216 
Huebert,  Elder  Heinrich,  35,  43, 
46,47,56 

Huebert,  Heinrich,  216 
Huebert,  Johann,  54 
Huebert,  Johann,  Missionary, 

117,  118, 131 
Huebert,  Louise,  216 
Huebert,  Maria,  216 
Huebert,  Nikolai,  211,  216,  217 
Huebert,  Nikolai  [Jr.],  216 
Huguenot,  128 
Hungary,  30,  173,  227 
Hutterites,  29 
Huttertal,  29 
Hyderabad,  122 

I 

Ibersheim,  120 

Ignatyevo  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  155 
Ildshik,  63, 

Ili  River,  63 


India,  63,  119,  122,  123,  184 

Ingulets  River,  xvii,  160,  161 

Ingul  River,  xvii 

Inzov,  General,  28 

Ireland,  30,  128 

Irgiz,  62 

Isaak,  Peter,  91 

Ishalka,  Neu  S,  98 

Issyk  Kul,  Lake,  63 

Italy,  30,  227 

Ivanovka  [near  Neu  Samara],  92 
Ivanovka  [Amur  region],  208 
Ivanovka  River,  208 

J 

Jack,  Walter  L.,  Pastor,  126,  127, 
133,  136, 141-143 
Jangaon  Station,  122 
Jantz,  Benjamin,  Minister,  87 
Jantz,  Elder  Jakob,  56,  82,  87-90 
Jantz,  Margareta  [Toews],  88,  90 
Janz,  Benjamin  [Sr.],  175 
Janz,  Benjamin  B.,  Minister,  172, 
175-179,  181,239,  240 
Janz,  Gertruda,  175 
Janz,  H„  112 
Janz,  Heinrich,  175 
Janz,  Heinrich,  175 
Janz,  Helena,  175 
Janz,  Helena,  175 
Janz,  Helene  [Penner],  175 
Janz,  Jakob,  175 
Janz,  Jakob,  175 
Janz,  Margaretha,  175 
Janz,  Maria,  175 
Janz,  Maria,  175 

Janz,  Maria  [Rogalsky],  175,  178 
Janz,  Martha,  175 
Janz,  Peter,  175,  176,  178 
Janzen,  Mrs.,  234 
Janzen,  Cornelius,  Minister,  1 1 
Janzen,  Daniel,  Pastor,  98 
Janzen,  Elisabeth,  115 
Janzen,  Greta,  1 15 
Janzen,  Hans,  1 15 
Janzen,  Elder  Heinrich,  1 1 
Janzen,  Heirich  H.,  240 
Janzen,  Heinrich  J.,  114 
Janzen,  Helene,  115 
Janzen,  Hermann,  56 
Janzen,  J.  J.,  154 
Janzen,  Jakob,  59 
Janzen,  Jakob,  114, 115 
Janzen,  Johann  H.,  112,  113, 
114-116 

Janzen,  Lene  [Goerz],  115 
Janzen,  Maria,  1 15 


Janzen,  Nikolai,  115 
Janzen,  Siegfried,  235 
Japan,  24 
Java,  131 

Jellinghaus,  Pastor,  141 
Jews,  25,  89,  140,  145 
Jiamusi,  209 
Jixi,  209 
Johannesruh,  29 
Joseph  II  of  Austria,  3 
Joyful  Faction  [see  Froehliche 
Richtung] 

Judenplan  villages,  88,  89 
Judson,  Ann  Hasseltine, 
Missionary,  45,  48 
Julian  Calendar,  1,  20,  24,  91, 
148 

June  Reform,  47 
Jung-Stillig,  Johann  H.,  59 
Juschanlee  Estate,  27,  5 1 
Juschanlee  River,  27,  175 

K 

Kachkova,  223,  227 
Kadushovka,  91 
Kaiser  Wilhelm  Canal  [see  Kiel 
Canal] 

Kaltanka  River,  92,  98 
Kaltan,  Neu  S,  98 
Kamenetz,  Neu  S,  98 
Kamenka,  Orenburg,  93,  103 
Kamenka  [near  Nikopol],  217 
Kampen,  Jakob  von,  1,  7,  9 
Kani-Fu,  203,  206,  208 
Kansas,  12,55,56,57,  74,  101, 
150,  180 
Kaplan  Bek,  63 
Kappes,  Teacher,  33,  39 
Karabutak,  62 
Kara  Kul,  63 
Kara  Kum  Desert,  62,  63 
Karassan,  xvii,  197,  217,  237 
Kargel,  Johann  [Ivan],  Baptist 
Minister,  89 

Karl  Marx  Collective  Farm,  98 
Karlsruhe,  127,  142,  198,  200 
Katta  Kurgan,  63 
Kazakhstan,  xv,  218,  219 
Kazalinsk,  62,  63 
Kazan,  xv 
Kedung,  131 
Kegel,  129,  133 
Kerch,  xvii 

Kerensky,  Alexander  F.,  and  his 
government,  152,  156,  237 
Keswick  Convention,  128 
Ketat,  Dr.,  140 


250 


Khabarovsk,  209 
Khanka,  Lake,  209 
Kharkov,  xv,  38, 172, 173, 176, 
197,  227 

Kherson,  xv,  xvii,  2,3,6 
Khiva,  60,  62,  63 
Khiva,  Khan  of,  60 
Kiel  [city],  193 
Kiel  Canal,  169, 174,  185 
Kiev,  xv,  3,  6, 173, 210,  227 
King,  Prime  Minister  William 
Lyon  Mackenzie,  181 
Kipchak  [Nukus],  63 
Kipriyanovka,  208 
Kirchliche  [Mennonite]  Chuch, 
11,51,68,69,94,  95,230 
Kirgiz  Steppe,  62 
Kiselyov,  Count  P.  D.,  31 
Klassen,  Elder  A.,  140 
Klassen,  Elder  Abraham,  151 
Klassen,  Aganetha  [Penner],  42 
Klassen,  Cornelius,  F.,  127,  176, 
181,228, 231,232,234, 236, 
237-241 

Klassen,  David,  42 
Klassen,  David,  135 
Klassen,  Dietrich,  Minister,  88 
Klassen,  Franz  F.,  237, 238 
Klassen,  Gethard,  238 
Klassen,  Harold,  238 
Klassen,  Heinrich  F.,  177, 237 
Klassen,  Herbert,  238 
Klassen,  Irmgard,  238 
Klassen,  J.,  94 

Klassen,  Johannes,  Minister,  238 
Klassen,  Justina,  238 
Klassen,  Justina  [Wiebe],  237, 

239 

Klassen,  Katya,  135 
Klassen,  Mary  [Brieger],  238, 

240 

Klassen,  Walfried,  238 
Kleefeld,  Mol,  119, 163,  175 
Kleefeld,  Shu,  201, 208 
Kleine  Gemeinde,  10-12,  32,  87 
Kliewer,  Fritz,  198 
Kliewer,  Johann,  54 
Klinok,  Neu  S,  98 
Klippenfeld,  Mol,  53,  56,  144, 
147,  219,  221 
Kludt,  Theo,  Pastor,  140 
Klyazma,  193 
Kobe,  Japan,  24 
Koehn,  Peter,  Minister,  92 
Koenigsberg,  6, 137, 138,  173 
Koeppental,  Aulie  Ata,  59,  63 
Kommission  filer 

KirchenangelegenheitenfKfK], 


120,  140,  156,  176 
Kondratievka,  Borissovo,  210 
Konstantinovitch,  Prince  Dimitri, 
137 

Konstantinovka  [near  Ignatyevo], 
xvii 

Konstantinovka,  Amur  region, 
204, 208 

Kontenius,  Samuel,  15, 29 
Konteniusfeld,  Mol,  24,  29,  175, 
219,221 
Koop,  Jakob,  43 
Koop,  Johann,  54,  55 
Koop,  Isaak,  34, 35, 43 
Koop,  Isaak,  Minister,  101 
Kotlyarevka,  Memrik,  68 
Kotshuricha,  206 
Koudashovka,  89 
Krasnodar,  173 
Krassikov,  Neu  S,  98 
Krassikov,  Owner,  97 
Krauel  River,  195 
Krause,  Franz,  89 
Kreider,  Robert,  229,  234 
Kremenchug,  2,  3, 6,  7, 137 
Krivoy  Rog,  xvii 
Kroeker,  Abraham,  14, 16,  39, 
114,  125 

Kroeker,  Abram,  144 
Kroeker,  Anna  [Langemann], 

125,  127 

Kroeker  Jakob  J.,  Minister,  117, 
118, 125-127,  128, 129, 133, 
134, 135, 141,  142 
Kroeker,  Johann,  228 
Kroeker,  Peter,  12 
Kronau,  160 
Kronsgarten,  45 
Kronstadt,  69,  70, 73 
Kronsweide,  Chor,  8, 158 
Kronsweide,  Mol,  120 
Kuban  Colony,  xv,  35, 43, 44, 
47,56,  57,62,  69,81,84,  87, 
124, 193 

Kuban  River,  xv,  137 
Kuma  River,  xv 
Kungrad,  62 
Kurman,  Ill 
Kur  River,  209 
Kursk,  168, 173,  242 
Kuterlya,  Neu  S,  98 
Kysyl  Kum  Desert,  63 

L 

Ladekopp,  Mol,  23,  47,  64 
Landskrone,  Mol,  29, 164, 166, 
186,219,  221 


Landwirt,  Der,  192 
Lange,  D.,  141 
Lange,  Friedrich,  38 
Lange,  Johann,  41 
Lange,  Wilhelm,  32, 40 
Langemann,  Bernhard,  160 
Langemann,  Johann,  125 
Langnau,  131 

Latvia,  xv,  81, 117, 139, 168, 
169,  173, 176, 185,227,  239, 
242, 243 
Lausan,  63 
Lausanne,  199 
League  of  Nations,  206 
Lechfeld,  198 

Leningrad  [see  St.  Petersburg] 
Lenzmann,  Elder  August,  32,  33, 
36,  39,  40-41, 42, 45,  56 
Lenzmann,  Hermann,  41 
Leonide  Meteorite  Shower,  20 
Lepp,  Elder  Aron,  48,  73,  87,  99, 
101, 103 

Lepsius,  Pastor  Dr.  Johannes,  141 
Leschkarovo  Volost,  87 
Lesser  Khingan  Mountains,  202 
L  eutesdorfN  euwi  ed ,  240 
Libau  [Liepaja],  169, 170,  173, 
174, 185 

Lichtenau,  Mol,  131, 153, 167, 
168, 173,219,242 
Lichterfelde  West  Station,  233, 
234 

Lichfelde,  Mol,  112, 190 
Licht  im  Osten,  126, 127, 141 
Lichtrode,  141 
Liebenau,  Mol,  42, 144, 147, 

219, 221 

Liederperlen,  68,  78,  94, 106 
Lindenau,  Mol,  11, 12, 14, 15, 

16, 18,  23, 107 
Lissner,  A.,  Ill 
Lithuania,  xv,  129, 173, 227 
Liverpool,  239 
Livingston,  74 
Lodi,  74 
Lodz,  73 

Loewen,  Anna,  84 
Loewen,  Anna,  213 
Loewen,  Hans,  213 
Loewen,  Harry,  213 
Loewen,  Heinrich,  54 
Loewen,  Heinrich,  84 
Loewen,  Heinrich,  Minister,  202 
Loewen,  Helen,  213 
Loewen,  Helene  [Friesen],  84 
Loewen,  Jakob,  220 
Loewen,  Johann,  84 
Loewen,  Johann  J.,  77-82,  84-86, 


251 


90,91,213 

Loewen,  Nikolai,  84,  85,  211, 
213,217 

Loewen,  Wilhelm,  54 
Lohrenz,  H.  W„  74 
Loma-Prieta  Earthquake,  24 
London,  104,  117,  128,  174,  238 
Louis-Philippe,  30 
Lubianka  Prison,  237 
Lucerne,  131 
Luenenburger  Heide,  226 
Lugovsk,  Neu  S,  92-99,  101,  103, 
104, 106,  237,  238 
Lutheran,  15,  32,  38,  40,  42,  48, 
141,  142,  192,  193,  194,  220, 
238,  240,  242 
Luther,  Martin,  39 
Luxemburg  District,  97 
Lvov,  227 

Lysanderhoeh,  Am  Trakt,  1 80 

M 

Magadan,  215,  217 
Magdeburg,  141 
Makhno,  Nestor  1,  [or  his  men], 
90,  150,  153,  154,  158,  160, 
162,  163 
Manchuria,  202 
Manitoba,  12,53,74,  95,  101, 
180,  239 

Mantler,  Peter,  202 
Margenau,  Mol,  55,  99,  108,  109, 
125,  155,  163,  176,219,  221 
Margenau,  Omsk  region,  8 1 
Marglen,  S.  S.,  169,  170,  174, 

185 

Mariawohl,  Mol,  150, 219,  221 
Marienburger  Werder,  180 
Mariental,  Mol,  23,  24 
Mariupol,  xvii,  24,  33,  38,  39 
Martens,  Abram,  92,  93,  94,  97 
Martens,  Alexander,  155 
Martens,  Anna  [Klassen],  157 
Martens,  Anneliese,  155 
Martens,  Elfriede,  155 
Martens,  Franz,  48 
Martens,  G.,  64 
Martens,  Heinrich,  155 
Martens,  Elder,  Heinrich,  170 
Martens,  Heinrich,  194 
Martens,  Helena,  155 
Martens,  Helena  [Wolff],  155 
Martens,  Johann,  159 
Martens,  Komelius  [Jr.],  155 
Martens,  Komelius  [Sr.], 155 
Martens,  Elder  Komelius  K., 

140,  154, 155-157 


Martens,  Maria,  160 
Martens,  Maria  [Reimer],  48 
Martens,  Sara,  155 
Martens,  Sara  [Friesen],  155, 
156,  157 

Martens,  Tusnelda,  155 
Martens,  Wilhelm  J.,  159,  160 
Martyr’s  Mirror,  10 
Massacre,  158-161 
Matthies,  Abraham,  38 
McPherson  County,  55 
MCC  [see  Mennonite  Central 
Committee] 

Medical  Orderly  Service 
[Sanitaetsdienst],  148,  149, 
237 

Meier,  Major,  2 
Melita,  S.  S„  185 
Melitopol,  xvii,  28,  42,  139,  156, 
164,  168,  190 

Memrik  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  68,  69, 
82,  88,  175,  193 
Mendelsohn,  Felix,  242 
Menno  Colony,  1 96 
Mennonite  Brethren  Bible 
College,  177,  178 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  17, 
32-35,  38,  39,41,43,45-50, 
52-54,  56,  57,  59,  68,  69,  79, 
87,90,  92,  93,96,  98,  113, 
119,  120,  122,  125,  175,  199, 
230 

Mennonite  Central  Committee 
[MCC],  127,  176,  177,  192, 
199,  206,  226,  229-232,  235, 
237-240 

Mennonite  Church 
[see  Kirchliche] 

Mennonite  Heritage  Village,  8,9 
Mennonite  World  Conference, 
127,  181,  198,  239 
Mennonitische  Rundschau,  65, 
135,  139,  237 
Mennozentrum,  198 
Mergentheim,  37 
Merino  sheep,  28 
Messina,  185 
Meteorite,  20 
Mexico,  183,  195,  231 
Michailovka  [near  Mol],  54,  56, 
107 

Michailovka  [near  Friedensfeld], 
88 

Michailovka  [Amur  area],  208 
Michelson,  Vera,  134,  135 
Middle  East,  184 
Mierau,  Johann,  64 
Mierau,  Johann,  64 


Miller,  Alvin  J.,  176,  237,  238 
Millerovo,  xv,  96 
Miloradovka,  88,  89 
Minlertschick,  125 
Minnedosa,  S.  S.,  170,  171,  174, 
185 

Minnesota,  65,  74,  101 
Minsk,  xv,  173,  227 
Mirgorod,  137 
Mission,  240 
Mitau  [Jelgava],  132,  139 
Moelln,  195 
Moldavia,  xv,  30 
Molochnaya  River,  45,  47,  109, 
137,  144-147,  166 
Molokans,  25,29,  141 
Molotschna  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  11, 
12,  14,  16,  17,  18,20,21,22, 
24,  27,  28,  30-35,38,40,41, 
42,  43,  45-49,  53-57,  59,  62, 
64,  68,71,84,  87,  88,  92,  97, 
99,  101,  104,  107-111,  114, 
117,  119,  123,  125,  128,  131, 
132,  139,  141,  144,  147,  150, 
153-156,  158,  162,  163,  165, 
166,  167,  171-176,  185,  186, 
193,  197,218,  220-223,227 
242 

Morden,  171 

Morija  Deaconess  Home,  120, 
126,  130, 132-136,  137,  138, 
141,  150 

Moscow,  xv,  3,  6,  85,  97,  104, 
156,  162,  172,  173,  176,  180, 
190,  192-195,  198,  201,202, 
217,218,  227,  237,  238,  242 
Moundridge,  56,  57 
Muchino  Colony,  201 
Muehlhausen,  127 
Mueller,  Georg,  132 
Mueller,  Joachim,  142 
Muensterberg,  Mol,  11,  23,  54, 
107,  109 

Muensterberg,  Sag,  158-161 
Munich,  227,  231,232,  235 
Muntau,  Mol,  22,  23,  24,  111, 
132,  133,  138,  140,  150 
Muntau  Hospital,  132,  137-140, 
148 

Murrhardt,  37 
Muslims,  123,  131 
Musterwirte,  29 
Muyunkum  Desert,  63 

N 

Nachtigal,  David,  Minister,  92 
Nalgonda  District,  India,  122 


252 


Napoleon  Bonaparte,  11,  19 
Nast,  Wilhelm,  Minister,  38 
National  Earthquake  Information 
Center,  USA,  24 
National  Socialist  Party  [Nazi], 
198,  199,228 
Nebraska,  12,  55,  74,  101 
Nehe,  209 
Nemor  River,  209 
Nen  Jiang  River,  209 
Nepulyevka  Colony,  xvii,  84,  89, 
90 

Netherlands  [Holland,  Dutch], 
68,  170,  195,  198,229-232, 
235,  239,  240 
Neudorf  [boy],  187 
Neuendorf,  Chor,  158 
Neufeld,  District  Representative, 
31 

Neufeld,  79 

Neufeld,  Widow  Peter,  107 
Neufeld,  Gerhard,  Minister,  103 
Neufeld,  Jakob,  64 
Neufeld,  Jakob,  145 
Neufeld,  Johann,  Minister,  87 
Neufeld,  Johann,  186, 187 
Neufeld,  K.,  Minister,  70 
Neufeld,  Katharina,  16 
Neufeld,  Komelius,  105 
Neufeld,  Komelius  G.,  75,  93, 

94, 104-105,  106 
Neufeld,  Lillian,  105 
Neufeld,  Louise  [Schapansky], 
105 

Neufeld,  Maria,  105 
Neufeld,  Maria  [Friesen],  105 
Neufeld,  Peter,  Minister,  25 
Neufeld,  Peter,  119 
Neufeld,  Wilhelm,  Minister,  69 
Neufeld,  Wilhelm  P.,  197 
Neu-Halbstadt,  Mol,  28, 29, 47, 
52,  106,  113, 117,  120,  152 
Neu-Halbstadt,  Sag,  161 
Neuhoflnung,  32,  38,  39, 45 
N euhoffn ungstal,  38 
Neukirch,  Mol,  101,  150 
Neunhuben,  Vistula  Delta,  10 
Neunkirchen,  37 
Neu  Samara  Colony,  xv,  92,  94, 
97-98,  99,  104,  237,  238 
Neu-Schoensee,  Sag,  161 
Neustaedter,  Abraham,  90 
Neustuttgart,  38 
Nevzorovka  Colony,  201 
Newton,  180,  181 
New  York,  Shu,  201,  203,  204, 
208 

New  York,  USA,  73,  101,  105, 


192 

Nicholas  I,  Czar  of  Russia,  19, 
30,31 

Nicholas  n,  Czar  of  Russia,  17, 
19,  150, 152 

Nickel,  Franz,  Minister,  54 
Nickel,  Elder  Johann,  89 
Nieder-Chortitza,  Chor,  158 
Nierstein\Rhein,  120 
Niessen,  Wilhelm,  73 
Nikolaidorf,  Mol,  150,  219, 221 
Nikolaifeld,  Sag,  161 
Nikolaifeld,  Yazykovo,  158 
Nikolaipol,  119 
Nikolaipol,  Aulie  Ata,  59,  63 
Nikolaithal,  Borozenko,  87 
Nikolajevitch,  Count  Konstantin, 
16 

Nikolayev,  xvii 
Nikolayevka,  155 
Nikopol,  xvii,  12,  83,  85,  87, 
160,213,217 
NKVD,  85,210,213,214 
Nobel,  9 
Nogaies,  25,  29 
Non-Resistence,  53,  148, 156, 
177,  181,239 

North  America,  12,  20,  53,  68, 
72,  87,  106,  125,  127, 139, 
171,  178,  201,229,  237,240, 
242 

North  Dakota,  74 
North  Sea,  169,  174,  185,227 
Norway,  174 
Nottinghamshire,  128 
Novo-Wassiljewka,  137 
Novopodolsk,  89 

O 

Oak,  The  Old,  xiii,  7 
Oberursel,  120 

Odessa,  xv,  29,  35,  41,  52,  65, 
120,  173,  227 
Odesser  Zeitung,  65 
Ohio,  38 

Ohrloff,  Aulie  Ata,  59 
Ohrloff,  Mol,  24-27,  32,  35,  40, 
41,49,51,56,64,  88,  104, 
110,112,114, 123,150,152, 
158, 166, 197, 198, 237 
Ohrloff,  Sag,  159, 161 
Ohrlofiferfelde,  42 
Ohrloffer  Gerstenstreit,  41 
Oka  River,  xv 
Okhotsk,  216, 217 
Okhotsk,  Sea  of,  215,  217 
Oklahoma,  44,  74 


Omsk,  81,  82,  201 
Ondra,  Pastor  Karl,  71 
Ontario,  171 

Operation  Mennonite,  231,  233 
Orechov,  14 
Orechov,  Sav,  208 
Oregon,  101 
Orel,  168,  173,242 
Orenburg,  xv,  62 
Orenburg  Colony,  xv,  93,  97, 
103,  104,  237 
Orlovka,  205,  208 
Orsk,  62 

Osemoye,  Shu,  208 
Ottawa,  181 
Ottoman  Empire,  7,  9 

P 

Paetkau,  David,  Minister,  103 
Pankratz,  David,  178 
Paraguay,  120,  139,  177,  195, 
198,206,  226,  231,235,239 
Paraguayan  Chaco,  196 
Paraguay  River,  195 
Paris,  30,  162, 174 
Paul  I,  Czar  of  Russia 
[Feodorovna],  4,  8, 16,  19 
Paulsheim,  Mol,  219, 221 
Pavlograd,  47 
Pendjalin,  131 
Penner,  Bernhard,  46 
Penner,  Cornelius,  107, 110 
Penner,  Peter,  Minister,  12 
Penner,  Wilhelm,  60 
Pennsylvania,  230,  231 
Perlovka,  193 
Perm,  129 

Perovsk  [Kzyl  Orda],  63 
Peters,  Elder  Abraham,  49,  59 
Peters,  Franz,  Minister,  88, 122 
Peters,  Isaak,  119 
Peters,  Peter,  10 
Peters,  Susanna,  186, 188,  189 
Petersfeld,  Yazykovo,  158 
Petershagen,  Mol,  11,12, 23 
Petershagen,  Vistula  Delta,  10 
Petro-Alexandrovsk  [Turtkul],  63 
Pfalz,  131 
Philadelphia,  55,  56 
Phillips,  Dirk,  10 
Pickel,  Mr.,  170 
Pietist,  37,  38,  59 
Pleshanov,  Owner,  97 
Pleshanovo  Colony  [see 
Neu  Samara] 

Pleshanovo,  Neu  S,  94, 97, 98 
Plett,  Gerhard,  186,  187 


253 


Podin,  Adam  K.,  Minister,  117, 
118,  126, 129-130,  133 
Podolia,  224,  227 
Podolysk,  Neu  S,  94,  98 
Poettker,  Elisabeth,  55 
Poettker,  Johann,  Minister, 
53-56 

Poland,  30,  68,71,73,77,81, 
88,  142,  173,  174,218,  222, 
224-227 

Polotsk  [Polack],  168,  173,  242 
Poltava,  6,  82,  90 
Poltava  Province,  137 
Popovo,  Station,  163 
Pordenau,  Mol,  54 
Potemkin,  Prince  Grigory  A.,  2, 
3,7 

Poyarkovo,  208 
Poznan,  227 
Prague,  30,  142,  227 
Prenzlau,  195 
Pribrezhnoye,  Sav,  208 
Pripyat  River,  xv 
Prischib,  112,  137-139,  145,  147 
153,  198 

Privilegium  of  1800,  4 
Prussia,  7,  9,  11,  15,  16,  25,32, 
40,  48,  52,  242 
Psebaj,  137 
Puerto  Casada,  195 
Purge,  The,  91,  210-217,  218 
Pushkino,  193 
Putschkovo,  82 
Pyandzh  River,  63 

Q 

Qiqihar  [Zizikar],  206,  209 
Quakers,  128 

Quebec  City,  169,  171,  185 
Quiring,  Dr.  Walter,  95,  240 

R 

Radstock,  Lord 

[see  Waldgrave,  G.  W.  A.] 
Raduga,  112,  119,  120,  125,  155 
Ratzlaff,  Elder  Benjamin,  31,41 
Raychikhinsk,  208 
Reedley,  105 

Red  Army,  101,  153,  154,  156, 
158,  162-166,  176,210,219, 
222,223,225,  235 
Red  Gate,  The,  243 
Regehr,  Abram,  Minister,  1 60 
Regehr,  Jakob  A.,  160 
Regehr,  Wilhelm,  240 
Regentrop,  Preacher,  117,  126 


Regier,  Johann,  Minister,  53,  55, 
56 

Regier,  Maria  [Schellenberg],  55, 
56 

Reimer,  123 
Reimer,  Abraham,  160 
Reimer,  Abram,  10 
Reimer,  Aganetha,  1 0 
Reimer,  Agatha  [Epp],  10 
Reimer,  Cornelius,  42,  45 
Reimer,  David,  43,  45 
Reimer,  Gerhard,  1 60 
Reimer,  Heinrich,  10 
Reimer,  Heinrich,  10 
Reimer,  Helena,  10 
Reimer,  Helena  [van  Riesen],  10 
Reimer,  Jakob,  Minister,  69,  101 
Reimer,  Jakob  C.,  100 
Reimer,  Jakob  D.,  32-34,  36,  38, 
40-43,  45-48,  92 
Reimer,  Katharina  [Duerksen], 
100 

Reimer,  Elder  Klaas,  10-12 
Reimer,  Klaas  [Jr.],  10 
Reimer,  Margaretha,  1 0 
Reimer,  Maria  [Epp],  10 
Reimer,  Maria  [Neufeld],  45 
Reimer,  Peter,  10 
Reimer,  Peter,  234 
Reimer,  Wilhelmine  [Strauss],  48 
Reinfeld,  69 
Reinfeld,  Sag,  159,  161 
Reinfeld,  Sav,  208 
Reiseschuld,  172,  181,  182,  239 
Rempel,  Teacher,  156 
Rempel,  Elder  H.,  103 
Rempel,  Katherine,  198 
Rempel,  R.  P.,  74 
Rono  County,  55 
Reservists,  148-150 
Reval  [Tallin],  38,  132,  135 
Rezekne  [Ryejitsa],  169,  170, 

173 

Richert,  Minister,  49 
Richert,  H.,  150 
Rietenau,  37,  38 
Riga,  xv,  1,4,6,  7,81,88,  132, 
169,  173,  174,  193,  194,227, 
238,  242 

Ringstrasse,  229,  234 
Rinkart,  Martin,  242 
Romania,  xv,  162,  173,  218,  220, 
227 

Rome,  104,  227 
Roosevelt,  Frankli  D.,  228 
Rosedale,  105 

Rosen,  Baron  Fedor  von,  26,  30, 
31 


Rosenfeld,  33,  38,  39 
Rosenfeld,  Borozenko,  87 
Rosengart,  Chor,  210,  21 1 
Rosenort,  Mol,  69 
Rosenort,  Sag,  161 
Rosenort,  Saskatchewan,  180 
Rosenthal,  3,  5,  9 
Rosthem,  74,  171,  181,  182,  190 
Rosthem  Junior  College,  181 
Rostov,  xv,  62,  122,  173 
Rotterdam,  232 
Roux,  66 

Royal  Russian  Fruit  Growers 
Association,  111,  112 
Rudnerweide,  Mol,  38 
Rueckenau,  Mol,  49,  51-57,  64, 
68,  69,71,73,79,  87,  92,  93, 
99,  101,  107-111,  119,  155, 
164,  166 

Ruegen  Island,  169,  174 
Rueppurr,  198,  200 
Rupp,  Preacher,  127 
Russia  [USSR],  map  references 
only,  xv,  63,  173,208,  209, 
211,217,  227 

Russia,  South,  xvii,  5,  9,  27,  28, 
30,  32,  42,  45,  64,  69,  71,  77, 
81,84,  106,  111,  114,  117, 
119,  122,  126,  131 
Russian  Revolution,  130,  152 
Russification,  19,  53,  56 
Russische  Saengervereinigung, 
71,  77 

Rybinskoye  Reservoir,  xv 
S 

Saenger-Bote,  74 
Saengerfest,  68-70,  71,  73,  85, 
90,91 

Saengergruss,  68,  70,  71,  77,  78 
Sagradovka  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  52, 
88,  89,  104,  117,  119,  122, 
158-162,  193,222-224,227 
Saizevo,  Station,  47 
Sakhalin  Island,  206 
Samara  [Kubyshev],  xv,  62,  97 
Samara  River,  xvii 
Samarkand,  63 
San  Francisco,  24 
Sanitaetsdienst  [see  Medical 
Orderly  Service] 

Santa  Cruz,  24 
Saratov,  xv,  62,  180 
Saskatchewan,  74,  101,  180,  190 
Saskatoon,  178 

Savitaya  Colony,  201,  208,  209 
Savitaya  River,  208 


254 


Savona,  185 
Sawatzky,  Mr.,  233 
Sawatzky,  Aron  G.,  69-71,  73-76, 
77, 106 

Sawatzky,  Elisabeth  [Niessen], 
73,  74 

Sawatzky,  Gerhard  J.,  73 
Scarlet  Fever,  64, 65,  67 
Scotstoun,  185 
Schelde  Delta,  170 
Schellenberg,  Elder  Abraham,  41, 
49,  50,  53-55,  56-58,  87,  101 
Schellenberg,  Abraham  [Jr.],  56 
57 

Schellenberg,  Abraham  [Sr.],  56, 
101 

Schellenberg,  Elder  David,  54, 

55,  56,  68,  69,  93, 94,  99, 

101-102, 125 

Schellenberg,  Elisabeth,  56 
Schellenberg,  Katharina 
[Lohrenz],  55-57 
Schellenberg,  Dr.  Katharina,  56, 
57 

Schellenberg,  Lena  [Ens],  101 
Schellenberg,  Maria,  56 
Schellenberg,  Maria  [Pauls],  56, 
101 

Schellenberg,  Sara  [Koop, 
Klassen],  101 

Schellenberg,  Susanna  [Flaming], 
57 

Schellenberg,  Elder  P.,  178 
Schellenberg,  Peter,  56 
Schilovo,  89 

Schlachtin  Colony,  xvii,  89 
Schleswig-Holstein,  226 
Schmidt,  Christian,  84,  87 
Schmidt,  Nikoli,  40 
Schmidt,  Peter,  132, 133 
Schoenau,  Mol,  87 
Schoenau,  Sag,  159, 161 
Schoendorf,  Borozenko,  87 
Schoenfeld  Colony,  xvii 
Schoensee,  Mol,  64,  95,  219,  221 
Schoensee,  Sav 
Schoental,  Crimea,  99 
Schoenwiese  Church,  1 1 
Schroeder,  Heinrich,  112 
Schroeder,  M.,  1 12 
Schwarzwald,  Forestry  Camp, 
237 

Schweiger,  Friedrich,  67-70, 
71-72,  73,  77 

Schweiger,  Mrs.  [Wedel],  71 
Sebej  [Sebez],  168, 173,  242 
Selbstschutz,  152-154, 156, 158 
Sergey evka,  87 


Sevastopol,  xvii,  3, 6, 47 
Shatter,  74,  75, 105 
Sharinchatin,  63 
Shestemaya,  158, 160, 161 
Sholokhovo,  217 
Shumanovka,  Shu,  201-204, 

206,  208 

Shumanovka  Colony,  201, 208, 
209 

Siberia,  8, 11,82,  88,  97,  103, 
129, 155, 192-194,  201-203, 
206,213,215,217,218,222, 
226, 237, 238 
Siemens,  Franz,  187, 189 
Siemens,  Jakob,  178 
Siemens,  Jakob,  201,  202,  204 
Siemens,  Peter  P.,  125 
Sikhote-Alin  Mountains,  209 
Silberfeld,  Usm,  208 
Simferopol, xvii, 42,  111,  138, 
148, 197,214-217 
Simons,  Menno,  10,  34,  35 
Slashchev,  General,  163 
Slavgorod,  201 
Smallpox,  64 
Smidovitch,  Peter  G.,  193 
Smolensk,  168, 173, 180, 242 
Sokolovsky,  Marshall,  233,  235 
Songhua  River,  209 
South  America,  120, 177, 184, 
198, 199,  226 

Southampton,  170, 174, 198 
Sparrau,  Mol,  20, 23,  69, 154, 
155,156, 175,219, 221 
Spat,  xvii,  55, 99, 103, 122,  125, 
126, 155, 197,214,217 
Spenst,  Peter,  186 
Spezia,  185 

Spurgeon’s  Pastors  College,  104 
SS[Schutzstaffel],  229 
Stackelberg,  Baron,  Minister,  129 
Staehelin,  Pfarrer  D.  E.,  142 
Stahl,  Baron  von,  2 
Stalin,  Joseph,  97,  210,  211, 212, 
216,218,  228 
Stalingrad  [see  Volgograd] 
Stanislov,  142 
Steinau,  Nepluyevka,  84 
Steinbach,  Borozenko,  87 
Steinbach,  Manitoba,  8,  9 
Steinfeld,  Sag,  161 
Steinfeld,  Schlachtin,  89 
Steintal,  131 

Stiller,  Music  Instructor,  73 
Stinson,  Lieutenant,  Colonel, 
W.B.,  229-234 
Stockholm,  6, 1 74 
Strauss,  Gottlieb,  48 


St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  74 
St.  Petersburg  [also  Leningrad], 
xv,  3, 4,  6, 7,  9,  14,  35,  38, 42, 
43,46,  52,  53,  89,  104,  117, 
126, 128, 129,  141,  150,  155, 
193,217,  237 

Stulnevo,  149, 166, 190, 218-221 
Stuttgart,  32,  37,  38, 127,  227 
Sudermann,  Jakob,  137 
Sudermann,  Jakob  J.,  135 
Sudermann,  Leonhard,  38 
Sukkau,  108 

Sukkau,  G.  H.,  Minister,  178 
Suvorovka  Colony,  xv 
Swabians,  39 

Sweden,  68, 137, 142,  174,  227 
Switzerland,  68,  79,  82, 104,  106, 
126, 127, 131, 132,  142, 197, 
198, 199, 239, 240 

T 

Tabor  College,  57 
Taganrog,  xvii 
Talus  River,  59 
Tashkent,  59, 63 
Taunus,  120 
Taurien  Province,  106 
Taran  Island,  2 
Tavonius,  Dr.  Alexander,  137 
Tavonius,  Alexander,  137 
Tavonius,  Alexandra  [Schulinus], 
137 

Tavonius,  Dr.  Erich  A.,  132-136, 

137-140 

Tavonius,  Dr.  Erika,  139 
Tavonius,  Ingeborg,  139 
Tavonius,  Dr.  Karin,  139 
Tavonius,  Margarethe 
[Baumann],  137-139 
Tavonius,  Sigrid,  139 
Tayninka,  193 
Tchemigov  Province,  137 
Tchongrav,  xvii,  120,  216,  217 
Tchongrav  Bible  School,  120 
Teichrieb,  Anneliese,  214 
Teichrieb,  Arnold,  214 
Teichrieb,  Elvira,  214,  215 
Teichrieb,  Franz,  211,  214-215, 
217 

Teichrieb,  Gerhard,  214 
Teichrieb,  Susanna,  214, 215 
Temir-Bulat  [Philippstal],  122, 
197 

Tempel-Tuttle,  Comet,  20 
Templar  Movement,  39, 40 
Terek  Colony,  xv,  88 
Thielmann,  Martin,  88 


255 


Thiesen,  John  D.,  199 
Thiessen,  Agnes  [Fast],  144 
Thiessen,  Heinrich,  107 
Thiessen,  Heinrich,  1 60 
Thiessen,  J.  J.,  168 
Thiessen,  Elder  J.  J.,  178,  182, 
240 

Third  Reich,  198,226 
Thompson,  Major,  230 
Tiefengrund,  180 
Tiege,  Mol,  56,  64,  69,  70,  84, 
152,  175,  176 

Tiege,  Sag,  89,  119,  122,  159, 
161 

Tiegenhagen,  Mol,  54,  107,  109, 
126,  152,  168 

Tiegenhof,  West  Prussia,  42 
Tiegenhof  Estate,  64,  118 
Tiegerweide,  Mol,  56,  57,  108, 
163 

Time  Magazine,  212 
Tipperary,  128 
Tirmalajah,  123 
Tkechev,  General,  164 
Tobruk,  185 

Toews,  Abraham,  Oberschulze, 
31 

Toews,  Anna,  180 
Toews,  Aron  P.,  Minister,  90 
Toews,  Benno,  180 
Toews,  Elder  David,  172, 
180-182,  192,  238,  239 
Toews,  Dora,  180 
Toews,  Elma,  180 
Toews,  Elsa,  180 
Toews,  Elder  Heinrich,  31 
Toews,  Irene,  180,  181 
Toews,  J.,  150 
Toews,  Jakob,  180 
Toews,  John,  A.,  Minister,  178, 
240 

Toews,  Louise,  180 
Toews  Margaret  [Friesen],  180, 
182 

Toews,  Margaretha,  180 
Toews,  Marie,  180 
Toews,  Marie  [Wiebe],  180 
Toews,  Nicholas,  94 
Tokmak,  xvii,  112,  140,  145, 
147,  163,  166,  168 
Tokmak  River,  144,  147,  221 
Tok  River,  97,  98,  237 
Tokultschak  [Johannesruh],  197 
Topkotshna  River,  208 
Totleben,  Count  Eduard  von,  52, 
53 

Trachoma,  167,  172,  176, 184, 
198 


Trans  Siberian  Railroad,  209 
Trappe,  Georg  von,  1,  4,  5,  7 
Trek,  the  Great,  222-227,  228 
Trinity  College,  128 
Truderung,  71 
Tsaritsyn  [see  Volgograd] 
Tshu  River,  63 
Tuberculosis,  64,  162,  238 
Tuebingen,  32,  37 
Turkestan,  52,  59,  60,  88,  180 
Turkestan  [city],  63 
Turkey,  30 

Typhus,  64,  103,  123,  149 
U 


Ufa,  xv 

Ufa  Colony,  xv,  89,  93,  104,  106, 
193 

Ukraine,  xv,  38,  145,  152,  158, 
162,  163,  186,  192,210,217, 
218,  223,238 

Unger,  Elder  Abraham,  47,  50, 

87 

United  Nations  Relief  and 
Rehabilitation  Administration 
[UNRAA],  229,  231,239 
United  States  of  America,  38.  53, 
55,56,  60,  66,  75,99,  101, 

105,  122,  150,  177,  186,  193, 
195,  198,206,  228-234,  239 
Unruh,  Abraham  H.,  Minister, 
101,  122,  197,240 
Unruh,  Anna,  123 
Unruh,  Anna,  150 
Unruh,  Anna  [Peters],  122,  123 
Unruh,  Arthur,  122 
Unruh,  Benjamin,  197 
Unruh,  Benjamin  H.,  122,  127, 
142,  145,  148,  154,  176,  192, 
193, 197-200,  237 
Unruh,  David,  150 
Unruh,  Elisabeth,  123 
Unruh,  Elisabeth  [Wall],  122, 

197 

Unruh,  Frieda  [Hege],  197 
Unruh,  Fritz,  197 
Unruh,  Gerhard,  Minister,  197 
Unruh,  Hans,  197 
Unruh,  Heinrich,  122 
Unruh,  Heinrich,  Minister, 
Kuban,  124 
Unruh,  Heinrich,  1 97 
Unruh,  Heinrich  B.,  122,  197 
Unruh,  Heinrich  H.,  Minister, 
117-119, 122-124,  197 
Unruh,  Elder  Heinrich  P.,  120, 
124,  133,  135,  148.  149, 


150-151 

Unruh,  Helena  [Loewen],  150 
Unruh,  Katharina,  150 
Unruh,  K.,  Minister,  70 
Unruh,  Komelius,  122 
Unruh,  Komelius,  122,  197 
Unruh,  Komelius,  197 
Unruh,  Liesel,  197 
Unruh,  Maria,  122 
Unruh,  Maria,  197 
Unruh,  Maria  [Loewen],  150,  151 
Unruh,  Martha,  122 
Unruh,  Martha,  197 
Unruh,  Olga,  197 
Unruh,  Paula  [Hotel],  197,  200 
Unruh,  Peter,  150 
Unruh,  Peter,  150 
Unruh,  Rudolf,  197 
Unruh,  Sara  [Schroeder],  150 
Unser  Blatt,  135,  156,  157,  192 
Ural  Mountains,  xv,  62,  98,  217, 
218,  237,238 
Ural  River,  xv,  62 
Ural’sk,  62 
Urmi  River,  209 
Uruguay,  226,  239 
Usman  Colony,  201,  208,  209 
Ussuri  River,  209 
Ustyurt  Plateau,  62 

V 

Vassilievka,  90 

VBHH.  168,  172,  176,  192,  237 
Vereinsschule,  32 
Vienna,  30,  227 
Viktoria  Luise  Platz,  229 
Vineland,  171 
Vinnitsa,  224,  227 
Vistula  Delta,  1,  7,  10,  32 
Vistula  River,  6,  173 
Vitebsk  [Vicebsk],  168,  173, 

242 

Vladikavkas,  43 
Vladimirov  Forestry  Camp,  161 
Vladivostok,  209,215-217 
VMSR,  176 

Volendam,  S.  S„  231-233,  235 
Volga  River,  xv,  52,  62,  218 
Volgograd,  xv,  62,  222,  223 
Volhynia,  xv 
Voth,  Andreas,  46 
Voth,  G.  G„  97 
Voth,  Johann,  5 1 
Voth,  Tobias,  32 
Voykovo,  205,  208 


256 


w 

Walachia,  30 

Waldgrave,  G.  W.  A.,  [Lord 
Radstock],  Evangelist,  128 
Waldheim,  Mol,  29,  55,  59,  69, 
90,92, 112,  114, 147, 149, 

163,  164, 166,  187, 188,  190, 
219-221 

Wall,  Abram,  Minister,  77,  88, 

89,  90 

Wall,  Aron,  186-190 
Wall,  Cornelius,  240 
Wall,  Elisabeth,  214 
Wall, Fr.,  Ill 
Wall,  Franz,  132, 138 
Wall,  Franz  F.,  132,  135,  138 
Wall,  Johann,  186, 188, 189 
Wall,  Katharina,  186, 188 
Wall,  Maria,  134, 135 
Wall,  Maria,  186, 188 
Warkentin,  Aron,  206 
Warkentin,  Elder  Dirk,  3 1 
Warkentin,  Elder  Jakob,  14, 16 
Warkentin,  Peter,  187, 189 
Warsaw,  6, 16,  68, 142, 173, 174, 
225, 227 

Warthegau,  222,  225,  227,  229 
Washington  D.  C.,  232, 235 
Waterloo,  Ontario,  171 
Waterloo,  Battle  of,  48 
Wedel,  Elder  Peter,  31, 41 
Wemersdorf,  Mol,  23,  144,  147, 
155,219,  221 

Wemigerode  am  Harz,  126, 127, 
141, 142 

West  Prussia,  27, 42,  180 
White  Army,  153, 158-160,  163, 

164,  166 
Whitewater,  180 
Widmer,  Evangelist,  117 
Wiebe,  Dr.,  190 

Wiebe,  Agnes  [Comies],  25,  27, 
29 

Wiebe,  Gerhard,  242 

Wiebe,  Heinrich,  Minister,  12 

Wiebe,  Johann,  26 

Wiebe,  Johann,  160 

Wiebe, P„  111 

Wiebe,  Philipp,  25 

Wieler,  Franz,  89 

Wieler,  Gerhard,  46 

Wieler,  Johann,  Minister,  54,  87 

Wiens,  A.  A.,  178 

Wiens,  David,  Minister,  178 

Wiens,  Franz,  Missionary,  123 

Wiens,  Isaak,  92 

Wiens,  Isaak,  203,  205 


Wiens,  Jakob,  108 
Wiens,  Jakob  P.,  Minister,  170, 
171 

Wiens,  Komelius,  33 
Wiens,  Komelius,  40,  42,  45 
Wiens,  Viola,  178 
Wiesenfeld,  47, 48 
Wilhelm  n,  Kaiser  of  Germany, 
154 

Wilhelmina,  Queen  of  the 
Netherlands,  231 
Willms,  Aganetha,  186, 187, 189 
Willms,  Gerhard,  186-188, 190 
Willms,  Gertrude,  186 
Willms,  Gertrude,  186 
Willms,  Jakob,  64 
Willms,  Johann,  164, 189 
Willms,  Johann,  186-189 
Willmsm  Katharina,  186, 187, 
189 

Winkler,  180 

Winkworth,  Catherine,  242 
Winnipeg,  95, 176,  177, 180, 
237,  239,  240 
Winnipeg  Free  Press,  212 
Winton,  74 

Wohldemfuerst,  Kuban,  35, 43, 
44 

Wolf,  Heinrich,  159 
World  War  I,  59,  84,90, 125, 
126,  132, 135,  138,  141, 148, 
175,  181,201,237 
World  Warn,  120,  127, 157, 
177,  199,218,  239 
Wrangel,  General  Peter,  163, 

164,  166 

Wuerttemberg,  32,  37-39,  131 
Wuest,  Pfarrer  Eduard,  32,  33, 
36,37-39, 40,42,45,46,51 
Wuest,  Johann  J.,  37 
Wuest,  Katharina,  37 
Wuest,  Pauline  [Liesching],  38 

X 

Xunke,  208 

Xiao  Higgang  Mountains,  202, 
209 

Xun  He  River,  208 

Y 

Yagoda,  Genrikh  G.,  210 
Yalantusch,  175 
Yalta,  xvii,  228 
Yalta  Conference,  222,  228 
Yarrow,  178 

Yazykovo  Colony,  xv,  xvii,  84, 


158, 162 
Yersin,  66 

Yezhov,  Nicholas  I.,  210,  211 
Yichum,  209 
Yugoslavia,  186,  227 
Yugovka,  Neu  S,  98 
Yuzhnyy  Bug  River,  xvii 

Z 

Zagradovka,  158, 161 
Zaporozhye  [Aiexandrovsk],  xv, 
xvii,  7, 112,  168,  173,242 
Zarskoye-Sselo,  138 
Zehlendorf,  229 
Zeravshan  River,  63 
Zeya  River,  209 
Zhloba,  General,  163,  166 
Ziffem,  70,71,  106 
Zilupe,  168,  169,173,242 
Zionsbote,  57,  68,  74,  77,  84,  90, 
101 

Zoeckler,  Dr.,  142 
Zwickau,  139 

Zyrardow,  68-71, 73,  74,  77,  81 


257 


ABOUT  THE  AUTHOR 


Helmut  T.  Huebert  is  a  practicing  orthopaedic  surgeon  in 
Winnipeg,  Canada.  He  was  bom  in  Alberta,  but  then  as  a  boy 
moved  from  place  to  place  during  the  time  his  father  intermittently 
taught  Bible  school  and  received  further  education.  In  1948  the 
family  settled  in  Winnipeg,  where  Huebert  obtained  his  high 
school,  university  and  most  of  his  post-graduate  education. 

While  actively  pursuing  his  chosen  profession,  he  also  has 
a  deep  commitment  to  Jesus  Christ.  This  has  been  expressed  by  his 
participation  in  the  local  congregation,  the  Portage  Avenue 
Mennonite  Brethren  Church,  as  well  as  provincial  and  national 
boards,  and  a  number  of  international  medical  assignments. 

One  of  Huebert’s  longstanding  interests  is  history, 
particularly  that  of  his  own  heritage,  Mennonite  history.  He  has 
published  “Hierschau:  An  Example  of  Russian  Mennonite  Life,” 
and  “Komelius  Martens:  Our  Skillful  Advocate.”  The  editing  and 
publishing  of  “Mennonite  Historical  Atlas”  is  further  evidence  of 
this  interest. 

Helmut  and  his  wife  Dorothy  have  three  children,  Karen, 
David  and  Susan. 


258 


Events 


Events  In 

Russian  Mennonite  History 
And  The  People 
That  Made  Them  Happen 


Helmut  T.  Huebert 
Springfield  Publishers 


This  book  has  something  for 
everyone  who  is  interested  in 
Russian/Soviet  Mennonite  history 
—  and  maybe  even  for  others!  It  cuts 
a  wide  swath.... Huebert  treads 
where  angels  fear  to  tread  and 
makes  no  apologies  for  his  selections 
and  methodology....  His  keen 
interest  in  history  and  biography, 
as  well  as  science,  medicine, 
geography,  agriculture,  music 
and  other  subjects  is  demonstrated 
by  the  range  of  topics  selected. 

Dr.  Abe  Dueck,  Director 

Centre  for  Mennonite  Brethren  Studies 

Winnipeg,  MB  Canada 


The  “Events  and  People”  kind  of 
telling  of  the  Russian  Mennonite 
story  will  indeed  commend  this 
volume  to  many  readers.  The  stories 
are  simply  told,  and  fitted  into  the 
larger  context  of  the  total  account 
of  Mennonite  life  in  Russia.... 
Huebert’s  book  will  not  make  the 
regular  works  of  history  irrelevant; 
instead  it  will  persuade  some  readers 
to  read  other  works  as  well. 

Dr.  Lawrence  Klippenstein, 
former  Historian/Archivist 
Mennonite  Heritage  Centre 
Winnipeg,  MB  Canada